The Taoiseach will recall that, among other things, he told members of the pro-life campaign that he did not even have to consult his party about this. In view of the reply he has now given that in the general context there will not be any proposals coming before the Dáil in this session for constitutional amendment, will he now bring the divisive party political campaign on which he embarked to an end and so enable both the Dáil and the Seanad, and all of us engaged in the political process, to concentrate on the very real economic and social problems which confront us and to which the policies of this Government are contributing in no uncertain measure?

I am convinced that a public debate on these issues at the present time is not only helpful but essential if all of us, politicians and electorate alike, are to face up to the challenge and the possibilities that now exist in the context of the higher plane to which my predecessor raised the whole issue of Northern Ireland by the initiation of Anglo-Irish talks. It would be unforgivable if we were not to prepare ourselves to play our part in whatever constructive moves may emerge from these discussions.

Will the Taoiseach clear up, for the benefit of the House and the general public the particular purpose to which this party's political divisive campaign is directed because on separate occasions he has given three different reasons for indulging in this campaign? On the day he first mentioned it — in the famous or infamous Radio Telefís Éireann interview — he indicated that we should make these changes to make ourselves more pleasing to Northern Unionists. Subsequently he indicated that these changes should be made because of their inherent merits. On another occasion he indicated that these changes should be made as something we could throw into a bargaining situation with the British Government. On which of these reasons does he now base his campaign?

I have made clear in my initial statement my deep commitment to the whole question of relations between North and South. The fundamental consideration in raising this issue was because of the conviction I have held for a very long time that unless we, in this part of Ireland, are prepared to play our part and show some generosity and imagination in respect of the preoccupations and concerns of the majority in Northern Ireland, we shall never get anybody from Northern Ireland to any serious negotiating table. It was because of that motivation that I raised the matter. I should have thought that would have been clear to Deputies opposite and to anybody else who heard me speak on that occasion or who heard or read my speech in the Seanad.

Would the Taoiseach not be prepared to admit at this stage that this campaign was launched by him purely as a device to divert the attention of the general public from the disastrous economic situation——

Deputy Haughey, please.

When I hear the claque coming into operation I know I am succeeding in my questioning.

In the first place, I would like to reject that suggestion flatly and to stress the hope that no one on the benches opposite or in the country would be in any doubt as to the depth of my personal commitment on this matter or the determination of our Government to make all possible preparations for this State to play its part in any future developments in North/South relations that may become possible in the period ahead. I have already paid tribute to my predecessor's work in preparing the way and I propose to follow in the path he set.

No action of mine in this or any other area could throw a smokescreen over the economic situation which now faces us after four years of Government by the party at present in Opposition. The gravity of the situation left to us has been emphasised recently by the preliminary conclusions of the IMF team which commented on the failure of our economy to adjust to a steep fall in the terms of trade which took place in 1979 and which threatens to undermine seriously the prospects for expansion in output and employment over the medium-term. The House may recall that they went on to say that foreign borrowing of the present magnitude — the levels the previous Government set — cannot in their view be sustained for long and if the present build up of foreign debt as undertaken by the previous Government was continued unabated, Ireland's credit rating overseas might be downgraded and we might then have to restrain domestic activity abruptly in a way which would have important repercussions on employment. As Deputies will be aware, and in answer to Deputy Haughey's question——

Sabotaging the economy.

The House will also be aware of the EEC Commission's draft annual economic report which states that a reversal of the trend to increase deficits, especially those on account of current items, is overdue and that the corrective package introduced in July by the incoming Government after only one month in office, to prevent a further deterioration in the 1981 situation is an important step in this direction which should be reinforced in 1982. I trust that answers fully the Deputy's question.

This cannot develop into a debate. I am calling Question No. 3.

I wish to ask a supplementary question.

I am sorry, Deputy Andrews, I am calling Question No. 3.

Deputy Andrews, you are being disorderly. I am calling Question No. 3.