The Omagh bombing was the single worst atrocity of the Troubles in Northern Ireland, leaving 31 innocent people dead, including unborn twins, and many more sustaining horrific injuries. The grief of the families has been exacerbated by the numerous and conflicting allegations about what was known about this attack by the authorities North and South of the Border. In recent weeks there have been further allegations and confusion. There has been a major television documentary on the issue and there was a major newspaper report last weekend.

In view of the fact that the Taoiseach has confirmed that there was no formal ministerial contacts between his Government and the Real IRA, will he indicate if there was any informal contact, either with somebody nominated by him or by his then special adviser on Northern Ireland? Will he confirm that charges against seven men who were prime suspects in the Omagh bombing were brought about as a consequence of voluntary confessions? Will he indicate if these charges were subsequently dropped and, if so, why and on whose authority? Is he happy that the distinction in the division of powers legislation is as it should be?

A number of suggestions and allegations concerning the Omagh bombing were made in a newspaper last weekend and in a recent television programme. I would like to address them all but it would take me some time to do so. At the outset I wish to address a vital point by again repeating that no deal was done by the Government with the Real IRA, either directly or indirectly, in return for a ceasefire. The allegation is as outrageous as it is deeply offensive. The evidence is entirely to the contrary. The ceasefire announcement on 7 September 1998 had nothing to do with anything on offer from the Government to the Real IRA because there was nothing on offer, either then, before that time or at any subsequent time. No member of the Government made contact with the Real IRA.

However, I can confirm that some weeks before the Omagh bombing efforts were made by my then special adviser, Senator Mansergh, in his contacts with the 32 County Sovereignty Committee to persuade it to use its good offices to bring the Real IRA campaign to an end. Unfortunately, these efforts failed. It is important to stress that in the lead-up to the Real IRA ceasefire in September 1998, no initiative for contact was made by my special adviser. It was not the case that Senator Mansergh organised secret talks about a ceasefire. It is my understanding that Fr. Alex Reid, who had already been instrumental in helping to bring about two IRA ceasefires, received an approach after the Omagh bombing from some of those associated with the Real IRA campaign. At subsequent meetings he took the opportunity to impress on them the need to stop and he reported some observations to my special adviser and took advice from him. I am entirely satisfied that Fr. Reid in all his contact emphasised that, regardless of a ceasefire, the Omagh bombers would be pursued and the law would take its course in regard to all other crimes committed before a ceasefire. Any security consequences arising from the real IRA ceasefire would have been a matter exclusively for the Garda Síochána.

There was no question at any time of instructing, or promising to instruct, the Garda to do other than conduct police operations as they judge right and appropriate in the circumstances facing them. In this connection, it is right to recognise that the Garda have done an outstanding job in pursuing those involved in real IRA activities. It is a matter of regret that two people who played a central role in brokering peace on this island, Senator Martin Mansergh and Fr. Alex Reid, should find themselves the subject of harmful innuendo concerning their role in the period following the Omagh outrage. They both acted at all times with commitment, honour and propriety in their efforts to contribute towards peace.

In relation to the last part of Deputy Kenny's question about those who were subsequently released on an offence, I have the details and assure the Deputy that nothing untoward happened in that case. I understand these allegations are the source of examination by some named outside officials. I think I have a note on that and I will pass it on.

I thank the Taoiseach for his reply. Can he confirm that the Garda crime and security section was aware of the theft of a black Mazda 626 in the early hours of 14 February 1998 for the purpose of carrying out a mortar attack? Can he also confirm that the Garda crime and security section was aware of the theft of a Fiat Punto in May 1998 on behalf of the Real IRA and that the thief was offered immunity in the event of being caught? Can he further confirm that the Garda crime and security section was aware of the arrest of four English tourists in a white BMW in order to protect the credibility and integrity of a Garda informant?

These are allegations that are causing confusion in the public mind. Will the Taoiseach take the opportunity to issue a more comprehensive and complete detailed statement on these matters? Finally, can I ask the Taoiseach—

Sorry Deputy, I would prefer if we stay within the new Standing Order.

Of course it is important, but there is a new Standing Order and we have to operate it in fairness to other Deputies who will be submitting questions later on.

When the charges were dropped in respect of the seven men, was it on the instruction of the then DPP who is the same person carrying out the inquiry now? That is fundamental to the security of our State, Sir.

In relation to the last part of the Deputy's question, I have seen a note in regard to the seven which I will make public. I cannot put my hand on it now but it is part of the investigation. Most of the other points that were made in regard to the cars are all matters for the Garda and I cannot answer them because I do not have the details. I have details on many of the other issues and I will make a more detailed statement available on the points that have been made both in the TV programme and the news programme regarding the circumstances at that time.

Both Senator Mansergh and Fr. Alex Reid were involved throughout the 1990s in contacts with the political wings and those representing various paramilitary groups. They spent much of their time talking to these groups who were on ceasefire and also with the 32 County Sovereignty Movement. They also dealt with people from the loyalist community. The inference is that they were involved in some untoward deal acting indirectly, but I want to make it clear to the House that they were at all times working towards doing something useful, as were others.

I will pass on the other questions raised by Deputy Kenny to the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform regarding the issues of the cars and the arrests.