Will the Taoiseach agree that the argument about particular persons being members of the IRA Army Council is irrelevant in the context that the IRA still exists, is involved in punishment beatings, extortion, abductions, information gathering, money laundering and organising robberies? Is he aware of these facts based on intelligence briefings? Will he confirm whether he has had intelligence briefings, as has the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform? Is he aware, therefore, of the extent of criminal activities in Dublin Port? Does he accept his Government has a responsibility to act in a political sense in providing resources so that the Garda and the Criminal Assets Bureau can do their job?

Arising from that, has the Taoiseach had discussions with the Chairman of Dublin Port, former Fianna Fáil councillor, Mr. Joe Burke, under whose remit and in whose area the alleged criminality is taking place? Will he accept that he and the Government have a clear political responsibility to deal with these matters? Has he evidence of extortion, money laundering, public houses fronting for the IRA and that its existence destroys the democratic credentials of its political wing, namely, the Sinn Féin Party?

Deputy Kenny referred to various activities in which the IRA is involved. Recent events, including events which have been evident for a considerable time and the near execution of an individual, have focused on the fact that there is criminality and that these matters are linked to the IRA. During recent interviews, the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform and I referred to criminality associated with Dublin Port and links to paramilitary activity. Incidents in the port area are linked to paramilitaries and are a cause for deep concern.

This is not a party political matter. No one is trying to score points, and I am not replying to Deputy Kenny in that way. It is a matter of the most serious criminality carried out by persons associated with paramilitary organisations, and that is not acceptable in a democratic society. It is a matter for the Garda to prove conclusively and for the DPP to be able to bring forward these cases. That is an ongoing difficulty that has existed for 30 years. There is a responsibility to pursue those involved and bring them before the courts if possible, and the Government will give its full support in doing so.

The activities of paramilitaries affect our efforts to advance the peace process. People are being brutalised and maimed on a daily basis in Northern Ireland. This does not make our job any easier. I do not want to raise these issues but I cannot convince other parties to do things when these crimes are taking place. I would appreciate Deputy Kenny not pushing me on the issue when all these crimes cannot be proved. Unfortunately, even when there is extremely good intelligence information, and I have been briefed, I cannot make it known. I have always asked why these matters cannot be proved, but that is a longer story which I cannot control. Paramilitary activity, whether in Dublin or Northern Ireland, must end, and the message is loud and clear. I am more interested in bringing an end to these activities and getting on with the political aspect.

The fact that the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform and I have raised these matters, particularly on Dublin Port, has indirectly resulted in a lot of action being taken that might put an end to some of these criminal events or the linking of criminal gangs to those orchestrated elsewhere. There is good intelligence which indicates that the message is sinking home and some of these acts might end.

I do not wish to interfere in the process of bringing criminals to justice. It is a matter for the DPP, the Garda and the courts to prove these cases. Will the Taoiseach repeat whether he has had individual intelligence briefings at the same information levels as are available to the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform? I accept that the Taoiseach has put a great deal of effort into moving forward the peace process. However, the persistent claim that, prior to the 1997 general election, a member of the Fianna Fáil Party met members of the IRA Army Council to ask it to delay the implementation of a ceasefire has caused me concern over the years. Does the Taoiseach have knowledge of this matter so as to put it to rest for once and for all?

Is the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform actively following the policy of allowing the Criminal Assets Bureau, and whatever resources the Garda needs, to deal with these criminal elements, be they public houses fronting for the IRA or whatever? The Fine Gael Party has never had a problem in dealing with the appeasement of the men of violence. We have never had any equivocation about it nor has the Taoiseach. However, these questions must be answered as they impact on the democracy in which we all live.

Deputy Kenny has asked three separate questions. First, criminality and politics do not mix in this jurisdiction, Northern Ireland or anywhere else, which is why we want to see the end of it. It is not a political point, it is just that we want to see the end of it.

To my knowledge, I do not believe that anyone in Fianna Fáil ever met the IRA Army Council pre-1997. I do not believe any such meeting ever took place with anybody asking that the ceasefire be delayed. I am certain about this because I was deeply involved in that period. I am emphatic that no meeting in any form occurred.

The answer to the question on allocation of resources is an emphatic "yes". With whatever resources are necessary, we will continue to investigate these activities through the Criminal Assets Bureau and the various Garda intelligence units. There have been many suggestions about racketeering in petrol, vodka and so on of which the Garda is well aware. I have been given briefings about the matters we indicated recently, but I would rather not go into the specifics.