The Taoiseach will know that for years this House has been scrupulous in its observance of a bipartisan approach and full support for his efforts in respect of the situation in Northern Ireland. The murder of a serving member of the Garda Síochána, however, is a step too far for most Members of this House, be that difficult or not to reconcile with some of the terrible events that have happened in Northern Ireland. Therefore, when the Taoiseach led the people to believe that the killers of Jerry McCabe were outside the terms of the Good Friday Agreement, and when his Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform unequivocally assured his widow in that regard, it is a shock to discover that, in fact, it was a pawn on the chess board in the context of a single act of decommissioning last October.

The period that has elapsed since last October has seen the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform at his most assertive in respect of dealings with the IRA.

It rings hollow now.

Now we find there was a preparedness on the part of the Minister, the Taoiseach and the rest of the Government to use this issue in what seems to be a step that fell a long way short of the final termination of violence in Irish politics that was the objective in the first place.

It is unfair that the Deputy can ask a question that I cannot answer. I did not say I would not raise this issue during the Bush visit. I never said that. I will gladly do it. I apologise for being out of order but I cannot let a question be asked and left unanswered.

The Taoiseach should issue a statement.

I made it clear yesterday. I held a press conference live on CNN last week during which I said it. I cannot do any more.

The Taoiseach could issue a statement.

In fairness to the leader of his party, Deputy Michael D. Higgins might leave Leaders' Questions to him.

On the second issue, the Government has not used this as any part of the negotiation process. We firmly stated that we were prepared to consider this issue only as part of the end position if we reached it. We did not reach it, as we have seen recently from the report of the International Monitoring Commission. We were trying to achieve a position where all the outstanding aspects listed by the British Government, David Trimble, the UUP and other parties were dealt with in a comprehensive agreement and that there would be a sequence and a process dealing with that. We did not achieve that so the issues surrounding any aspect of it — OTRs, demilitarisation, further moves on equality, human rights or the horrendous killing in Adare on 7 June 1996 of Jerry McCabe and the injuring of Ben O'Sullivan — did not arise because we did not arrive at that position.

In terms of an overall total agreement and the end of paramilitarism, we would have considered it. We would have tried to achieve finality in the matter, but it did not happen so that part and any other parts of the agreement, many of which are in the public domain and many of which are not, are still being discussed with all parties. This was of the highest sensitivity, however, and we would not do anything without direct contact between the Government, the widow of Jerry McCabe and the family of Ben O'Sullivan.