Travers report and long-term care charges
Opposition members challenged the delay in publishing the Travers report on long-term-care charges, demanded ministerial accountability and questioned the Taoiseach’s handling of the report and the responsible Ministers. The Taoiseach defended publication through the Oireachtas, acknowledged that charges lacked a legislative basis and that repayments would be substantial, and agreed to a debate the following day, while disputing claims that he was evading accountability.
I hope the people of Ireland now understand the true nature of the IRA and what it is about following its statement.
However, I wish to raise the issue of the Travers report and remind the Taoiseach that I have not yet received a copy and that he has succeeded in his objective of being able to escape from the House for five weeks without having to answer detailed questions about it.
Comment on this
The Joint Committee on Health and Children normally meets at 9.30 a.m. but, for reasons best known to the Government, it meets this morning at 11 a.m.
As the Taoiseach is aware, section 3 of the Public Service Management Act 1997 states clearly that Ministers are responsible for the performance of the functions assigned to their Departments. In the guidelines issued with the approval of the Taoiseach by his Department in 2002, Ministers were reminded of their responsibility for "ensuring that the systems are in place and operational to enable the Department to meet its goals and its objectives". This morning we are due to receive a report from Mr. Travers, commissioned by the Tánaiste and Minister for Health and Children, into "systemic maladministration" in that Department. We are informed that a senior civil servant is to be removed from his post.
The Taoiseach, as Head of Government, appointed Ministers to various Departments and assigned them political responsibility for those Departments as outlined in his own guidelines approved in December 2002. The Minister for Enterprise, Trade and Employment, Deputy Martin, who is not here, has had a chance to read this report. I do not know if he attended yesterday's meeting at which the Government considered the report. Will the Taoiseach tell the House whether the Minister has tendered his resignation? If he has not done so, has the Taoiseach called him in or does he intend to call him in to explain the political failures in his performance at the Department of Health and Children? If the Minister has not offered his resignation, does the Taoiseach intend to sack him?
It is clear the Minister, Deputy Martin, was well aware of the situation, as was the Taoiseach's communications unit, now costing €300,000 per year to tell Ministers what is on the front pages of the newspapers. Will the Taoiseach call in the Minister and exert his authority as Taoiseach with political responsibility by making him answer for his failure of political accountability in running his Department, which will now cost the State €2 billion? At least €500 million of this sum has been accumulated since the Minister became aware of the situation, along with two other Members in the middle Government benches, Tweedledum and Tweedledee, who sat at meetings and, like the three monkeys, saw, heard and did nothing.
Comment on this
As I informed the House yesterday, the Government gave initial consideration to the Travers report into the handling of the issue of charges by the Department of Health and Children in regard to patients in long-term care in public residential facilities since 1976, a period of 28 years. On the advice of the Attorney General, the Government decided the method of publication should be through the Oireachtas and that we should move to publish the report without any delay.
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This procedure is being followed for two primary reasons. First, it is in this House that issues relating to accountability and Departments are properly and correctly raised. Second, the House can adopt the report, debate its contents and authorise its public release and thus the report will constitute a publication within the provisions of Article 15.12 of the Constitution. This will ensure full, open and free debate on the important public issues raised by the report without the fear and risk of litigation.
Obviously, in the case of the publication of any report such as this, it is important that privilege applies to the report and to utterances made in regard to the report. Legal advice has been given on this matter many times and this is the correct procedure.
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This is Deputy Kenny's question and he is entitled to hear the Taoiseach's response without interruption. Deputy Rabbitte will have an opportunity to speak shortly.
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This is the legal advice of the Attorney General, used many times in the publication of such reports over the years. As I said yesterday, people should examine the report, copies of which will be given to all Oireachtas Members, and the Tánaiste will meet the Joint Committee on Health and Children to discuss it. It is a lengthy and detailed report deserving of careful consideration. It covers matters that have been ongoing for 28 years, since a circular was prepared in the Department in July 1976. It is not appropriate for me to make further comment at this stage. I and others will have plenty of time and opportunity to comment on the report.
Comment on this
There is a debt of €2 billion to be repaid to those from whom charges were taken illegally over a long number of years. It is well known since 2001, when the Government introduced legislation in this area, that this was the case and the Supreme Court has made that absolutely clear. This amounts to the greatest political handwashing job since Pontius Pilate and it shows quite clearly that the true nature of the Taoiseach and his party is to protect party interests instead of public interests.
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The Taoiseach has not answered the question as to whether he called in the Minister, Deputy Martin, or whether the Minister offered his resignation. What the Taoiseach is demonstrating is that he has no political courage. He is afraid to act as Taoiseach in terms of political accountability. The Taoiseach should call the Minister in and dismiss him and his two Ministers of State. This matter was their duty under the management guidelines the Taoiseach introduced in 2002 which state "ensuring that appropriate systems are in place and operational to meet the organisation, to meet its goals and objectives". These three Ministers have failed in their duty. We are now going to have a row about whether the Minister, Deputy Martin, was told or was not told about this by the Secretary General, but the fundamental fact is that the Taoiseach bears responsibility for ensuring his Ministers toe the line. In this case three Ministers failed abjectly to live up to their political responsibility and the Taoiseach does not have the courage to dismiss them.
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It is always unfortunate that Opposition Members make comments on a report before they see or study it.
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On many occasions we are great about talking about justice and it being seen to be done——
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——and then Members are prepared to say that a report that they have not seen or read——
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I could also quote references. A circular went out this morning with an instruction to come in and heckle the Taoiseach, but the public get used to that.
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I could make political points and quote references made by many previous Ministers of Health if I was to be political, but that is not the issue.
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This is a report dealing with important issues. We all know the basis of this decision did not have legal status. That is what happened. In 1976 when there was a High Court case we should have provided a legislative base. The then Minister for Health and the then Secretary General of the Department made a decision at that stage and produced circular 7 of 1976 and subsequently down through the years successive Ministers and Secretaries General looked at this issue but moved away from it. That is what happened.
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There is no point in making political points about the people in positions in 1976 who have long since left office and everybody else who has been in positions since then.
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Remember the case of Deputy O'Donoghue and the fax machine around the matter involving Nora Owen.
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A few Members who are hardly ever here have been sent in this morning with an instruction to keep interrupting the Taoiseach. People who never read a report——
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We will deal with the issue. We already dealt with the legislation yesterday. We will have to pay back a considerable amount of money to people because we had not got a legal basis. There are lessons to learn.
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We will also have to check other regulations and we will do all that. For Members to come in and simply jump up and quibble about things is not necessary.
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I hope when we debate this issue that some of these Members will say something constructive.
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The Taoiseach is repeating the canard that he needs the privilege of this House to publish the report. He had the privilege of this House yesterday. The report would have the same privilege if the Taoiseach published it yesterday, and he knows that. Now we hear that a civil servant will be removed. In this instance, the taxpayer could be exposed to a bill of up to €2 billion.
I recall the situation of Mr. Justice Dominic Lynch seeking Government approval to be retired from the Special Criminal Court. When a letter was not issued from the Department all these Front Bench Members danced up and down and I want to tell the House some of what they said. What did Deputy Martin say at that time about a letter not going out compared to the exposure of the taxpayer now to a bill of up to €2 billion in this shambles? He said:
From the findings of the Cromien inquiry, it is clear no one is taking responsibility for the sordid nature of this debacle. It seems that civil servants must take the fall for political failure and negligence on the part of the Minister, the Attorney General and others in Government.
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What did the Taoiseach say at that time? He has just condemned people for jumping up and down. The Taoiseach said:
The inquiry represents an abdication of the Minister's constitutional responsibility for her Department . . .
The identification of serious deficiencies in the Department of Justice does not exonerate the Minister from political accountability.
Comment on this
The Taoiseach continued:
There is no valid distinction to be drawn between the Minister and the Department. ... The report is particularly critical of management in the Department but that cannot be divorced from the Minister who is appointed for the purpose of managing a Department.
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I will not go on to the flowery bombast of the man who started it all, Deputy O'Donoghue, because I do not have time, but it is almost unbelievable — I will release it later.
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The current Taoiseach, when Leader of the Opposition, said:
Ministers are entitled to demand the best service the Civil Service can provide but if civil servants fail they should not be scapegoated.
What did the doyenne of probity, the current Tánaiste, say at the time? She said:
Accountability means that a Minister must take charge, must exert authority over his or her Department, and must avoid doing certain things because they are wrong but must do other things that are required of them. That is what duty is all about: Ministers must take charge and discharge their duties. A Minister cannot become a prisoner of his or her staff.
Comment on this
These were the sentiments of Members currently in Government because a letter did not issue on time from the Department of Justice. In this case the taxpayer is liable to a bill of up to €2 billion for this debacle and the Supreme Court said the Minister could not but have known about it. He said it was beyond doubt after 2001. We know that his junior Ministers and himself were minuted at a meeting on 16 December 2003. We know he got the minutes of the MAC meeting.
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The Taoiseach has contrived to evade his accountability to this House by delaying the publication of the report until after Leaders' Questions today——
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——when he will escape for five weeks.
In the case of the terrible tragedy of the tsunami, public interest had abated in it after five weeks.
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I ask the Deputy to obey the provisions of the Standing Order like every other Member.
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The Taoiseach believes that the same public interest will be abated here, but the taxpayer has to pay the price for political culpability.
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There are a number of brief points to be made. I have answered questions on this issue.
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In fairness to Deputy Kenny, since the House resumed after the summer recess, he probably raised this matter ten times, and I have answered questions fully on it, although obviously I did not have all the information at that stage and some of the information I had has been proved to be incorrect. I readily acknowledge that. I also answered Leaders' Questions on this matter yesterday from the two main Opposition parties and I have answered them today.
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I am sure I will answer them again. I will make myself available on a daily basis inside and outside the House to talk to the media on any issues of the day, and I will make that a practice. What has been said in that regard is hollow political criticism.
In whatever debate we will have on this matter, I have no doubt the Minister, Deputy Martin, and others will have the opportunity, which I am sure they will welcome, to say their part and therefore I do not have to say it for them. They will give their account of issues.
Deputy Rabbitte is right in that this was known about dating back over a long period. From reading the report I think it was known about in the summer of 1976.
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I think it was also known in the summer of 1994 and in other times when colleagues of mine were in power. Action was not taken and the process did not provide the legislative base required. That is what happened. We can jump up and down——
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——and say it will cost us a great deal of money, and it will. The Minister for Finance will have to solve a difficult budgetary problem in resolving how he will pay back an unquantified sum of money.
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We will resolve the issues that have existed for 28 years but have not been addressed, for whatever reason. People can study the reports and come to their own views. This Government will now resolve those issues.
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I accept Deputy Rabbitte's point that he can make political points about some people and not others. I will accept that. It is the right of an Opposition leader. He can say that in a democratic assembly. The fact is that we are where we are.
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——that everybody accepted we had a right to take but we had no legal base for taking it. Everybody believed it was right, but we did not have any legal base for doing it. Now we have to correct that. The politics of it and all the comments about people may continue but——
Comment on this
The Taoiseach said he has answered questions, but he has not answered any questions. He said the existence of this problem was known in 1976. Was it known in 1978, when Mr. Ronan Keane provided legal advice to that effect? Was it known in 1988, or in 2001 when the Supreme Court said it was beyond doubt? Was it known in 2003, when the Minister, Deputy Martin, was late for a meeting of the management advisory committee? One sometimes gets the impression that the Department of Health and Children was on autopilot at that time. That Ministers were late for important meetings seems to bear that out. Will the Taoiseach permit a debate on the matter before he escapes for five weeks? That is the whole point of what the Taoiseach has been up to.
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The Taoiseach has contrived, by the clever use of parliamentary tactics, to evade his responsibility to the House.
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He has over-ruled the Tánaiste, who wanted to publish the report yesterday. He is sheltering an incompetent Minister.
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I ask the Taoiseach, before he flits across the world, to tell the House whether he still has confidence in the man who is now Minister for Enterprise, Trade and Employment. How can he reconcile the Government's action in this regard with his fine words in Opposition about the core of——
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He said: "at the very centre of political character there has always resided the principle of accountability".
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I will answer them. Deputy Rabbitte is correct that in all of those periods the matter was discussed as much as it was during the periods I mentioned earlier. People believed at all such times that the existing procedure was fair and that they had a right to take the money.
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The problem was that there was no legislative right to do so. The Supreme Court said it was wrong to take the money in the absence of such a legislative basis. That is what created——
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That is the position. I would like to speak about the 2003 meeting mentioned by Deputy Rabbitte yesterday. First of all, the issue was listed at that meeting as just an item to be mentioned.
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This is a democratic assembly. Members on either side of the House are entitled to ask a question.
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The Taoiseach or the Minister who is responding is entitled to be heard. No chairman in any democratic assembly in the world would allow the sort of barrage of interruptions we are hearing in this House at the present time.
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I ask Members to allow the relevant member of the Government — the Taoiseach in this case — to answer the question without interruption. Deputy Rabbitte is entitled to hear the answer without interruption.
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I am certainly not trying to rise any heat or to dodge any issue. As I have said, at the conclusion of that meeting the Department had conflicting advice and decided to seek legal advice. That is the only point I will make about the matter.
Can I conclude by reminding Deputy Rabbitte of something? I do not want to get into an argument about the matter. I agree that there should be a debate on the report tomorrow.
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Can I have 30 seconds to speak about the matter? I am going to the United States next Tuesday morning. I will be there until Friday. I will work about 19 hours each day.
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Yes, I agree. I will be back on Friday, 18 March. I will not stay in the US for an undue length of time. There is a European Council meeting the following week.
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I would not front such a debate. I will be here — I will be around — but I will not front such a debate.
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I accept what Deputy Rabbitte has said. I do not think we do ourselves any good by giving the impression that my colleagues and I are taking a holiday.
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None of us is doing that. I do not think we should get into that. It is not very wise.