Leaders’ Questions.
- Government economic failure and leadership 17 speeches
Enda Kenny accused the Government of economic mismanagement, rising unemployment, inadequate bank lending, public-sector unrest and failing public safety; the Taoiseach rejected his negative characterisation and defended the Government’s policies.
Enda Kenny, Deputies, Brian Cowen, Pádraic McCormack, Seymour Crawford
- O’Dea resignation controversy 15 speeches
The Taoiseach defended his handling of former Defence Minister Willie O’Dea’s resignation and criticised Fine Gael’s response, while Enda Kenny said the Taoiseach had wrongly defended the indefensible.
Brian Cowen, Bernard J. Durkan, Seamus Kirk, Paul Kehoe, Enda Kenny
- Fine Gael 100,000-jobs proposal 6 speeches
Enda Kenny said Fine Gael had costed a plan to create 100,000 jobs through renewable energy, broadband and water projects, challenging the Taoiseach to respond.
Enda Kenny, Thomas Byrne, Paul Connaughton, A Deputy
- Anglo Irish Bank and NAMA policy 29 speeches
Kenny urged the Government to invest in economic stimulus or split Anglo Irish Bank into good and bad banks rather than commit billions to it. The Taoiseach defended NAMA and the Government’s banking strategy as necessary to restore funding, while opponents disputed its effectiveness.
Enda Kenny, Noel Dempsey, Seymour Crawford, Deputies, Bernard J. Durkan
- Unemployment and economic outlook 10 speeches
Eamon Gilmore highlighted unemployment, restricted business credit, household debt and public fears about the future; the Taoiseach replied that the Government was taking necessary decisions and had no credible opposition alternative.
Eamon Gilmore, Brian Cowen, Bernard J. Durkan, Michael Creed, Deputies
- Bank guarantee and nationalisation 42 speeches
Gilmore argued that Labour had responsibly supported fiscal measures but correctly opposed the bank guarantee and advocated temporary bank nationalisation, which he said would have reduced the eventual taxpayer cost. The Taoiseach rejected this, defended the guarantee as essential to financial stability and maintained that Government policy would deliver recovery.
Eamon Gilmore, Paul Kehoe, Dermot Ahern, Thomas Byrne, Brian Cowen
The Taoiseach's Government has failed the country and the people. We now have a situation where 437,000 people are on the live register, with a further 70,000 projected to lose their jobs this year; credit is not flowing from banks to business; the public service is facing serious unrest because of the Government's economic policy of cutting wages and writing blank cheques for banks and people are being indiscriminately shot on our streets, all of which is causing serious anger and frustration. This is not good governance or leadership and it will not work. The people know it will not work.
The Taoiseach leads a Government that is riven by internal tension and divided by suspicion and a lack of trust. Yesterday, we witnessed the dignified resignation of former Minister of State, Deputy Trevor Sargent. Contrast that with the actions last week of the Taoiseach in forcing his party and the Green Party to defend the indefensible former Minister for Defence, Deputy Willie O'Dea, and his attempting to justify the assertion that Deputy O'Dea had lived up to the standards he set for him. Deputy Sargent recognised he had made a serious error of judgment. In light of the spectacle witnessed in this Chamber last week, will the Taoiseach accept he made a serious error of judgment in terms of the manner in which he conducted the exit of Deputy O'Dea?
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I totally reject the usual negative narrative that comes from the Leader of the Opposition.
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The Taoiseach is in a rejection mood.
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He comes into this House on a continual basis and speaks as he does when in fact he does not have a policy framework that is credible. What we have——
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The Government has no policy at all.
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——are policies that are being implemented. They are gaining credibility financially and domestically and we intend to continue to pursue them so that growth can return to this economy and recovery can be effected.
On the other matter, the contrast I saw yesterday was the dignity of Deputy Sargent's statement as compared with what was subsequently——
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Compared to what the Taoiseach did the week before.
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——in suggesting involvement by this party in these matters. That is the contrast I saw.
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Fianna Fáil would never stoop so low.
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Just as there was an acknowledgement by Deputy Sargent regarding the particular correspondence to which he adverted, the resignation statement of Deputy O'Dea continues to defend his position on the basis, as clearly stated, that he holds the position that there was no intention on his part to mislead in any way. He acknowledges also that his continued presence in Government would have had the regrettable conclusion of destabilising the Government and, therefore, resigned.
On the position in regard to what happened yesterday, Deputy Kenny has a lot to answer for in terms of how his people behaved.
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The Government has a lot to answer for in terms of where this country is now and the Taoiseach knows that.
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Even the Government back benchers are laughing at the Taoiseach.
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The back benchers are laughing nervously.
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That is the greatest load of nonsense I have heard from the Taoiseach in a long time.
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The question I asked of the Taoiseach is whether he accepts he made a serious error of judgment in attempting to defend the indefensible in the case of former Minister for Defence, Deputy O'Dea.
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The Taoiseach forced his Government, members of the Fianna Fáil back benches and the Green Party, to come in here and publicly defend former Minister for Defence, Deputy O'Dea who, the Taoiseach stated, had lived up to the standards he set for him. Yesterday, we witnessed a deep contrast in the dignified resignation of former Minister of State, Deputy Sargent. I have no interest in the internal machinations of the Fianna Fáil Party, be they valid or otherwise.
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The Deputy is too busy with his own.
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The Taoiseach stated that Fine Gael has put forward no policy framework. I would like to challenge him on two issues. The Fine Gael Party has put forward a radical proposal which I know the Green Party is interested in, namely, providing 100,000——
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——jobs right across the spectrum of renewables energy, broadband, water and so on. We have costed this detailed plan and put it forward. The Taoiseach stated last July that he would respond to it but never did.
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That is a serious policy that could result in the creation of 100,000 jobs for people right across the country.
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Fianna Fáil has forced the Green Party to adopt its economic strategy of cutting wages and writing blank cheques for banks. I understand that the Government proposes to invest up to €6 billion of taxpayers' money in the dead bank that is Anglo Irish Bank to pay off bond speculators and investors. There is an alternative. The Government can put that money into a stimulus package or it can break up Anglo Irish Bank into a good bank-bad bank, a concept put forward by Fine Gael more than 12 months ago.
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This would save the taxpayer serious money and would allow credit to flow to businesses——
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Ask the taxpayer to put in the €64 million.
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——in County Meath and elsewhere where jobs as being lost even as we speak.
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The Fine Gael Party has put forward a serious policy framework for job creation and security and new careers. The Taoiseach will not recognise this because he is locked into the tribal strait jacket of Fianna Fáil.
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From where did Deputy Kenny get that line?
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Is the Government prepared to break up Anglo Irish Bank, save the taxpayer money and provide a bad bank-good bank, the concept put forward by Fine Gael more than 12 months ago?
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It is never too late to clear the plate.
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The extraordinary basis for Fine Gael's economic policy is that its wishes, primarily, to raise bonds to fund all of these jobs of which Deputy Kenny speaks while at the same time default on bond holders. That is its idea of how one raises bonds. Fine Gael has as much understanding of——
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On the whole question of the establishment of NAMA and it becoming operational, the purpose of this is to ensure we have access to funding and that we can reduce the cost of funding——
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Never mind Fine Gael, talk about Fianna Fáil.
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What about the Minister for Transport, Deputy Dempsey, and the roads?
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There are 436,000 people out of work. Businesses are trying to keep going this morning in circumstances where they do not have credit from financial institutions. Families throughout the country are frightened about the future, whether they can pay the mortgage, what they can do about their levels of personal debt and whether they will have work by the end of the year. Young people are worried whether they will get a job when they graduate. That is on top of the general concern in the population about what we will end up having to pay and for how long we will have to pay for the banking crisis, NAMA and all those things.
The one thing that is needed in those circumstances is a functioning Government in which the people can have confidence. By any measure — there have now been several measures — the Government led by the Taoiseach does not enjoy the confidence of the public. Some of that is understandable. Fianna Fáil has been in office for 13 years. There is a fatigue and staleness that comes with every government in office for that length of time. It is somewhat punch drunk from the economic events of the past year and a half. In dealing with the economic crisis it is hopelessly conflicted between on the one hand, having to take the decisions necessary to deal with it and on the other hand, covering its tracks for the role the Government played in causing it in the first place. That is particularly evident in the Taoiseach's own case where he has an understandable concern to cover the tracks of his term as Minister for Finance.
There is increasing evidence of incompetence in the Government. We saw it last week with the Tánaiste's mishandling of the aeronautics jobs at Dublin Airport. The events of the past week have shown that the Government is seriously divided. It has struck the iceberg. It is now only a matter of time. We can have the predictable partisan arguments across the Chamber, but there is a service the Taoiseach needs to do for the country, which is to wind up the Government as quickly as possible and give the people an opportunity of making a decision about who should govern the country in these difficult times. If they chose to re-elect the present Government, so be it, but they should at least be given the opportunity.
We are in very difficult, strange and worrying times for people. It is not fair or responsible for the Taoiseach with a battered, broken, tired and now divided Government to continue to hang on to office in circumstances and times when the people need a competent functioning government in which they can have confidence and one that has a mandate — something the Government no longer has.
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Again we have Deputy Gilmore getting up this morning to give his view of the world. It is clear from the past six months' debate on the economy that there is not a coherent alternative to the capacity of the Government.
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The Taoiseach would not know coherence if it slapped him in the face.
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What is clear is that the Government is demonstrating its preparedness to take the decisions that are necessary and that there are no circumstances in which support will be provided from the opposite side of the House, but that will not deter us.
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Far from being tired, let me assure the Deputy that we are ready to fulfil our mandate for the remainder of this term, bring recovery and growth back to the economy. The Deputy can talk down the economy and the Government all he likes. We are going to do that with or without his help.
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Throughout history every ruler, where power has gone to his head, believes that nobody else can rule or govern. That is what we are now getting——
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——from the Taoiseach and from Fianna Fáil.
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Deputy Dooley was not that smart on Vincent Browne's television programme last night.
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Let me tell the Taoiseach where he is wrong. The Opposition has supported the Government. We supported it on Europe. We supported it on the necessity to make the fiscal adjustment of €4 billion.
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Government Deputies are very good at the political debate, but let us stick with the facts. We supported it on the fiscal adjustment, on the necessity to reform public services and in respect of this country's international reputation in every meeting and discussion we have had — I am sure the same is true of Deputy Kenny — with the European Central Bank, the OECD and the European Commission, we have talked up our economy.
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The Labour Party opposed everything.
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We have made it clear that in circumstances where there were a change of Government, we would put the national interest first. The Taoiseach has been blessed with a responsible Opposition and yet——
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——where we have opposed the Government we have been absolutely right. When this party opposed the blanket guarantee for the banks we were right.
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If that guarantee had not applied to Anglo Irish Bank, as it should not have, we would not now be stuck with the enormous bill of thousands of millions of euro of taxpayers' money——
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The Deputy should tell us where we would be.
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——that is going to have to go into that.
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When we told the Government almost a year ago that the most prudent way of dealing with the banking crisis was the temporary nationalisation of the banks, the Taoiseach rubbished it. The Government has ended up with the situation where it will have nationalisation anyway by the back door in a dragged out way that is most expensive for the taxpayer. The Taoiseach's problem is that he has not been listening to the proposals coming from the Opposition parties and has not been acting accordingly. The Taoiseach has been taking decisions that are motivated by his desire to cover the tracks for his role and his party's role in the mismanagement of the economy in the past 12 years in creating the property bubble and the hand-in-glove approach it had down the years with bankers and developers.
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One of the problems of being in opposition too long is that Opposition parties believe that they alone possess the right to define what is the national interest. I know what is the national interest in discharging my responsibilities.
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I reject all the assertions the Deputy has been making about my position and my disposition in dealing with the issues that faced the country since I took office.
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My role, just as much as the Deputy's role would be if he had the honour, is to seek to defend the national interest of the country. The Deputy will not define it for me as if he had a higher motive than I have.
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Is the Taoiseach claiming he did not cause the problem?
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That motive has meant that the policies we have brought forward have sought to stabilise the crisis situation we were facing, have obtained international support for so doing and are determined to continue with a consistent approach that will bring recovery. There is considerable revisionism going on——
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——as to what his party's position was during the good times when deficits would have been far higher coming into this situation. Both in terms of its policy framework and what it proposed coming into elections, let the record show where the economy would have been——
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We know about the Taoiseach's position.
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——had we followed its proposals, when its Members were saying to me when I was Minister for Finance that I was like Scrooge and was not spending enough money on health and education.
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Now we have the revisionists seeking to suggest they were the responsible ones if only they had been around. The fact is that during those times we created 700,000 jobs. During those times we had growth in the economy.
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The Government has lost half of them now.
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We now need to ensure we effect recovery and rework the economy again. That is what we intend to do. I will not accept any suggestion from the Deputy, however populist it might appear.
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The idea that the financial viability of the country would have been best served by not proceeding with the bank guarantee on 29 and 30 September 2008 is so far off the mark that it is unbelievable. It is true that everyone in the Central Bank of Ireland and all advice to the Government at that time related to the systemic nature of those institutions.
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That is the situation. There is no suggestion from the Deputy or anybody else that would suggest that we could get easier access to funds by not having that bank guarantee in place. In fact the bank guarantee has provided us with the means by which banks have been able to continue to operate and has reduced the cost of access to funding. In addition, the banks are paying for the guarantee. Despite all Deputy Gilmore's efforts to suggest that the Labour Party has an alternative credible model, it does not because the basic facts he is proposing would have meant meltdown within the Irish financial system, and that is indisputable.