On Monday the First and deputy First Ministers, Ms Arlene Foster and Mr. Martin McGuinness, with the First Minister of Scotland, Ms Nicola Sturgeon, and the First Minister of Wales, Mr. Carwyn Jones, met the British Prime Minister, Ms Theresa May, in London. It was the first meeting of the Joint Ministerial Committee in almost two years. All of those involved demanded that be fully involved in the British Government's negotiations in leaving the European Union. However, it is clear that the British Government has no intention of allowing this to happen. Instead, the leaders were offered access to the Tory Government's Brexit Minister. Downing Street officials were busy warning against any attempt by Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland to undermine the British Government's position. The British Government's approach is to negotiate Brexit in its entirely for England, Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland without any recognition of the "Remain" vote in Scotland and Northern Ireland.

What happens in Scotland is a matter for its people and what happens in the North is our business. In their joint letter to the British Prime Minister on 1 August the First and the Deputy First Ministers outlined their agreed key priorities, which included the cross-Border movement of people, goods and services; trading costs; business competitiveness; certainty in the draw-down of funding and support for the agrifood sector. The Taoiseach is well aware that the DUP and Sinn Féin hold opposite positions on Brexit, but this should not be used as an excuse by the Irish Government to resile from its responsibilities to the people of the Six Counties. It must be remembered that the DUP is formally opposed to the Good Friday Agreement, but as we all know, the Agreement must be upheld and advanced. The DUP knows this and that it also applies to the "Remain" vote in the North. The role and responsibility of the Irish Government, as co-guarantor of the Good Friday Agreement, must be to defend the integrity of the Agreement and ensure the "Remain" vote is respected and upheld.

Some in this Chamber have complained about the absence of concern on the part of the British Government about how Brexit will impact on Ireland. There is nothing new in the current British stance: it was always thus. Wolfe Tone would hardly be surprised. We should not spend too much time blowing hot air about Perfidious Albion. What we need to do is get our own house in order. It is vital that the Irish Government have an informed strategy for how our national interests will be protected and this means having an all-island vision. I cannot say often enough that what we need is a 32-county vision. Does the Taoiseach agree that the all-Ireland civic dialogue should identify and charter a course to ensure the whole island will remain within the European Union?

I have written twice to the Taoiseach's Department to ask what bodies and organisations have been invited to participate in the dialogue, but I have not received a reply. Will the Taoiseach tell us how often the all-Ireland civic dialogue will be convened and whether it will meet in different parts of the country, including the North?

We will not resile from our responsibilities. We are well aware of the fact that we are a co-guarantor of the Good Friday Agreement. That is the very point I have been making for quite some time. For all of the leaders I have met at European level, the first point of contact for their interest in this country is the protection of the peace process and all that it brings with it. Our priorities are citizens, the economy, job retention, the Border area, not returning to a hard border, the common travel area, the peace process and all that goes with it.

The Deputy will be aware that I have made it perfectly clear that we should have an all-island conversation. It will take place next Wednesday, although it will be disrupted a little owing to the recall of the Dáil. Be that as it may, it is important that we hear all voices on the entire island of Ireland, including of those in the South who export to the North and vice versa, on issues such as cross-Border activities and activities east and west between Ireland and the United Kingdom which, as the Deputy will be aware, represent a figure of over €1 billion in trade every week.

The civic forum will meet on Wednesday and I understand approximately 300 invitations have been issued. I will publish the list of all those who have been invited to attend. It will be the first in a series of meetings to be held. There will also be meetings to discuss individual sectors, be it the agriculture sector, the hospitality sector, the financial sector and so on. All sectors must be conversed with and heard in order that we will know exactly what we are talking about. The Deputy will be aware that I have instructed every Minister to engage directly with his or her counterpart in Northern Ireland before the North-South Ministerial Council meets on 18 November. I hope that, following the comments made by the First and the Deputy First Ministers on Downing Street which I noted with great care, the focus will be on reaching an agreed position in the Northern Ireland Executive on the priorities for Northern Ireland. That will be difficult, politically, but that is what politics is about. The DUP has a particular view on the vote and every other party has a different one. It is the bringing of these two positions together in the interests of the people of Northern Ireland that concerns me. In so far as that is concerned, I hope the first meeting of the civic forum next Wednesday which, as I said, will be the first in a series of meetings will bring about cohesion and a real focus on people's concerns, anxieties and fears arising from the many comments made on the nature of what Britain will look for, be it a hard Brexit, a soft Brexit, removal from the Single Market, the customs union and so on, all of which will bring their own challenges. We cannot, however, decide on what we need to negotiate on until we know what Britain is looking for. The British Prime Minister has clarified that she will trigger Article 50 before the end of March, but long before then we will have to have a detailed analysis of the contingencies that might have to be played out.

I will publish the list of those who have been invited to attend the civic forum. I expect Deputy Gerry Adams to attend on Wednesday, too.

I thank the Taoiseach for his invitation. I would like to ask him about the reports that the Irish Government has reached an agreement with the British Government on immigration controls at Irish ports and airports. This is my fourth attempt to get an answer to this question. I should caution the Taoiseach that I have written to the Ceann Comhairle under Standing Order 44A about his refusal to respond and that anything he might say could be written down and used in evidence against him.

In what type of court?

The British Government announced on 9 October that it had put in place a range of measures to further combat illegal migration, on which it is working closely with the Irish Government. In this regard, it was stated: "Our focus is to strengthen the external border of the common travel area, building on the strong collaboration of our Irish partners." In other words, the British Government is claiming that, with the agreement of the Irish Government, it will move the front line of its immigration controls to Ireland. That is not viable. The Tánaiste has been reported as saying there is nothing surprising about this. For his part, the Taoiseach has said nothing. Will he comment and make a public statement on the matter today?

It was made clear after my meeting with the Prime Minister in Downing Street that we did not want a return to having a hard border and that we did not want to see an end to the common travel area, which has been in place since 1922. It worked well when the two countries were outside the European Union and has worked well with both inside it. It has been untested with one and one out. There is a strong belief we can retain it. On not having a hard border, we have made it clear that we do not want to see a return to customs posts in the traditional manner that led to all sorts of incident, including smuggling and much more serious life and death matters, as Deputy is well aware.

The Deputy asked if we had an agreement with the British Government on the use of Irish ports. We do not have an agreement because we do not yet know whether the British Government is looking for a hard exit from the customs union and the Single Market and controls at its own borders or something else. We must wait until such time as it decides to say what it is looking for. Ireland will remain a member of the European Union. If, for instance, the United Kingdom removes itself from the customs union, it will lead to a serious challenge in terms of the imposition tariffs by the World Trade Organization. If it removes itself from the Single Market and tries to control its own borders, it will not have access to the Single Market without the freedom of movement of people. These are all challenges. I hope that answers the Deputy's question. If he has taken it down to be used in evidence against me, he can use it again.