I want to deal with the crisis in the North which also includes the consequences of Brexit. First, I want to commend the outgoing Deputy First Minister, my friend Martin McGuinness, MLA, particularly as he battles with serious health issues at this time. In his role as Deputy First Minister in the past ten years and as Minister of Education before that, Martin's time in office has at all times been guided by the principles of mutual respect and equality that underpin the Good Friday Agreement. He reached out the hand of friendship to Unionists in the spirit of reconciliation and at times republicans and nationalists have been discommoded by his efforts. Nonetheless these initiatives were entirely correct.

A number of Teachtaí and Seanadoirí from all parties and none have sent good wishes to Martin. He, his wife Bernie and his clan appreciate all the messages of support that he is receiving. Ar son Sinn Féin, ba mhaith liom buíochas a ghabháil le Martin ón Dáil seo inniu.

It was the Democratic Unionist Party, and in particular its handling of the renewable heat incentive scheme, that led to the Northern Ireland Executive and Assembly collapsing. The refusal by Arlene Foster, MLA, to support a robust and independent investigation into the potential loss of £500 million of taxpayers' money was the tipping point. That is neither an orange nor a green issue. The cost will be borne by Unionists and Nationalists alike. Yet we are told by our leaders here - by those who ignored our warnings over some time, and those who ignored our appeals as the crisis developed - that Martin McGuinness's resignation was unnecessary and that this election is unnecessary. Of course there are other issues at play but Sinn Féin will not tolerate allegations of corruption, which must be robustly and independently investigated.

There is nothing surprising in the remarks of the British Prime Minister today. There was never going to be a soft Brexit. As such, the Taoiseach has a huge job of work to do for the people of this entire island. Of course, that has not been helped by the refusal of Arlene Foster and the DUP to accept and uphold the "Remain" vote in the North in the Brexit referendum.

Sinn Féin is completely committed to the restoration of the political institutions and the Government has a key role to play in this regard as have others here. It is the Taoiseach's responsibility, as it has always been, to ensure that agreements are upheld and implemented. However, his Government has in recent years consigned itself to the role of spectator and occasional neutral commentator, which is a fundamental mistake. I have made that point repeatedly to the Taoiseach in private and in public. The British Government has refused, for example, to honour commitments on a bill of rights, dealing with legacy issues and an Acht na Gaeilge. It will not honour these commitments unless the Taoiseach holds it to account. In the aftermath of the election, a sea change in attitudes from all sides is needed, not least from the Government. Will the Taoiseach commit to a meaningful, ongoing, consistent and strategic engagement with the North and London? I appeal to him publicly to do that in the time ahead, not just in times of crisis.

I will and I do. The Minister, Deputy Flanagan, has been more than active in his activities in Northern Ireland in dealing with all the parliamentary parties, the leaders and so on. I called the deputy First Minister myself, as Deputy Adams is aware, to have a conversation and express the hope that he will recover his full health. I have always recognised that Martin McGuinness has come on a long journey from being a member of the army council of the IRA to someone who became a pragmatist and who has held out on many occasions to drive the peace process and the institutions forward. It is our co-responsibility to ensure that all of that is implemented. Deputy Adams should believe me that our interest is that the institutions set up under the Good Friday Agreement and subsequent agreements will work in the interests of all the peoples of Northern Ireland.

The outcome of the election on 3 March is a matter for the electorate in Northern Ireland and I hope that when it is concluded it will be possible to put together an executive and assembly that will continue to work through the institutions. Last summer, the deputy First Minister and the First Minister signed a joint letter which they sent to the Prime Minister to indicate their initial thoughts on Brexit. They commented on the necessity to eliminate smuggling and criminality, to work in the interests of the economies North and South and the many people who cross the Border and the need to avoid a return to the Border of the past and so on. In that regard, the former deputy First Minister is very clear on my own view in this regard.

It is our job and it is the Government's response to keep all parties here informed on the issues about Brexit and in so far as Northern Ireland is concerned. Take my word for it. We will have a very active, energetic and enthusiastic dialogue with the next administration of the assembly and the Executive of Northern Ireland in respect of the fulfilment of all of the conditions of the Good Friday Agreement and subsequent agreements. I have made that point to the Prime Minister on a number of occasions. She is due to visit Government Buildings in the near future and I intend to take up those discussions about that aspect of it but also about the analysis of her comments today in Lancaster House on Britain's decision to exit and leave the European Union.

In so far as Northern Ireland is concerned, the people will make their decision in respect of the election, which I hope is conducted on a reasonably civil basis. I also hope that the issues to be argued, discussed and conversed about up there will bring about a situation where we can have an assembly and Executive after 3 March.

The Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade, Deputy Charles Flanagan, will continue to be very closely associated with Secretary Brokenshire in terms of the conversations they must have, and the civic dialogue which is already in place will continue. I understand the next meeting is on 17 February. Many other connections are ongoing.

At the last North-South Ministerial Council a very good and constructive set of propositions was put together. As the Deputy knows, the Government has contributed to many cross-Border activities in Northern Ireland and will continue to do so. Our job, as one co-guarantor of the Good Friday Agreement, is to see that we work through the assembly and Executive to make sure the institutions are enabled to work on behalf of the people of Northern Ireland. That is where our political priority and imprimatur lie. Obviously, we do not want to see a return to what happened in the past.

I welcome the Taoiseach's remarks, but let us make sure that it is not a case of too little, too late. The parties in the North are not the only consideration; there is an international and intergovernmental element to all this. We want the Taoiseach to implement the agreements he has already made and which are in place. Time and again over the past five or six years when I appealed to the Taoiseach and Government to play a consistent and strategic leadership role in facing up to the British Government as an equal, they failed to do so.

I make this point not in recrimination, but rather in the hope that the Taoiseach will change the way he does business with London. He is an equal co-guarantor of the Good Friday Agreement and other agreements. It is not enough to say this. It is the duty of the Taoiseach to represent all the people of the island of Ireland.

I wish to make a general point to other Teachtaí Dála. Republicans and nationalists in the North look towards Dublin more often than not. In the past ten years or so, in the absence of positive and consistent leadership from Dublin, that connectivity and sense of togetherness has been eroded. That affects many Unionists as well.

If the parties in the State are serious about co-operation and unity, it is not enough just to talk about it; let us act on it. Ná habair é, a Thaoisigh, déan é. Sinn Féin is prepared to co-operate with those from all parties and none to try to bring that about.

In the same way as I have asked the Taoiseach and others to have an all-island view of Brexit, I appeal to him to have the same approach to upholding and implementing the equality principles of the Good Friday Agreement.

It is true to say that this is an international agreement backed by the United States and Europe. At the commencement of our Presidency of the European Union in 2013 we were able to secure continuing peace funds until 2020, a further €3.5 billion, which is an important factor.

In respect of dealing with the people of Northern Ireland, Deputy Adams is aware that I met people from Ballymurphy, Kingsmill, Omagh, Enniskillen and other areas, as have Ministers on the North-South Ministerial Council. The Minister, Deputy Flanagan, has focused on his duties in the North, which is something we want to continue.

The election is under way and the people will have their decision on 3 March. Out of that, I hope we can have an assembly and executive that will work within the institutions that are in place, which were established under the international agreement lodged with the United Nations, and which will have the support of Europe and the continuing support of the United States. We will work with the British Government as a co-guarantor of the Agreement to see that these things are implemented.

Obviously, the Fresh Start agreement of just over a year ago contains opportunities to deal with elements that are still outstanding, namely, the legacies of the past, as Deputy Adams is well aware. I take his point that the Sinn Féin Party will work with all other parties in the interests of clearing the slate, as it were, in terms of many issues that have arisen over the years.

Deputy Adams can take it from me, on the assumption that we will have an assembly and executive, that we will continue to work diligently with all the parties, specifically the British Government, to see that the institutions and conditions of the Good Friday Agreement, including those the Deputy mentioned, such as Acht na Gaeilge, are implemented.

I did mention to the former First Minister the issue of the deontas dóibh siúd a bhí fonn orthu an Ghaeilge a labhairt agus tá a fhios agam go bhfuil sé sin ar fáil arís.

The Minister, Deputy Flanagan, spoke again to Secretary of State, Mr. James Brokenshire, last night. Believe me that we will keep a very close watch on the issues.