The Good Friday Agreement is the institutional, constitutional and legal framework which defines the relationship within the island of Ireland and between Ireland and Britain. I do not believe for one moment that the Government has truly absorbed this new reality. The Good Friday Agreement is an international treaty. The Taoiseach has co-equal status with the British Prime Minister and a co-equal responsibility to uphold, implement and promote all aspects of this new relationship. The biggest threat to the Agreement, the new relationship and the social and economic future of the people of this island is presented by Brexit. I am sure the Taoiseach and I agree on that at least. The British Government has ignored the vote of people in the North and London is intent on pulling that part of our island out of the European Union despite the dire consequences this will have for everyone across Ireland.

Sinn Féin has been critical of the Government's failure to hold the British Government to account for its polices in Ireland. Its approach to Brexit, the vote in the North and the Border is a monumental example of this failure. There is a crying need for a special designated status for the North within the European Union, but the Taoiseach has refused to accept or promote this position despite the vote of the people of the North and the majority support for this position in the Oireachtas and Assembly. He has also refused to advocate this position despite the fact that every citizen of the North has a right to Irish citizenship and a legal expectation that the Government will uphold his or her rights, which include the right to European citizenship after Brexit.

Let us contrast the Government's position, which is contained in Article 11 of the draft European Council negotiating guidelines, with Article 22, which contains the Spanish Government's position. Article 11 is ambiguous, opaque, conditional and qualified, whereas Article 22 is extremely clear, stating that after Brexit, no agreement between the European Union and British Government may apply to Gibraltar without the agreement of the Spanish and British Governments. This is exactly the type of veto the Government should have sought in keeping with its responsibilities for the North under the terms of the Good Friday Agreement. It is also the best negotiating position to minimise the dire consequences of Brexit for all the people of this island.

Has the Taoiseach ever said to the British Government that it should accept the vote of the people of the North? He can tell me; nobody else is listening.

Has the Taoiseach ever put that point to the British Government?

These are draft EU Council guidelines and, therefore, they can be amended. The Taoiseach has the time to amend them. Will he commit to looking for an amendment as I have set out?

The Deputy and I differ on a number of issues in this regard. He does not believe that the Government is serious about dealing with Northern Ireland and the citizens of Northern Ireland. I disagree fundamentally with his political comment in that regard. He is the president and leader of his party and he has a specific responsibility now to see that an Executive is put in place in Northern Ireland, irrespective of his differences with the DUP, in order that we can have a functioning Executive that will, hopefully, put together a set of common objectives as to what the people of Northern Ireland regard as their priorities in respect of the Brexit negotiations.

The Deputy will be well aware the people in the Republic voted for the abolition of Articles 2 and 3 on the basis that the Good Friday Agreement means that Northern Ireland is regarded as part of the United Kingdom until the people decide otherwise. The position there is that what I want to see in the final outcome of the negotiated documents is the language of the Agreement, which allows for the opportunity at some future time for the people of Northern Ireland and the Republic to vote in a referendum to have a united Ireland and that there can be a seamless readmission of an area that is part of the United Kingdom by virtue of the Good Friday Agreement being recognised, in the same way as Scotland is, as a member of the European Union without having to invoke Article 49. I hope the Deputy in his discussions with his party will see to it that, irrespective of political differences, a functioning Executive is put together as quickly as possible, and the Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade is available to help in every way in that regard because it is important.

I pointed out yesterday that Northern Ireland is different from Gibraltar. Gibraltar joined the EU as part of the UK and any change in its status is a matter for bilateral consideration between the Kingdom of Spain and the UK. It is very different from Northern Ireland where we have an internationally legally binding agreement voted on by referendum, North and South. The people of Northern Ireland voted in the expectation and the understanding that their EU membership benefits would continue and they will continue. I have said to the British Prime Minister and her predecessor that the people in Northern Ireland have a very definite point of view and that since the Brexit referendum, of course, I recognise that Northern Ireland voted to stay, as did the people in Scotland. First Minister Sturgeon is now on the path of looking for a second independence referendum.

I follow the Good Friday Agreement and our job as co-guarantor of that is to see that all the issues relevant to the Agreement are implemented in full.

I will not take lectures from the Taoiseach about my responsibilities or, indeed, the responsibilities of Sinn Féin. We are very aware of those and we look to his Government to uphold its end of all that.

However, he refused to answer my question. I asked him where he has said to the British Government that it should accept the vote of the people of the North. The Taoiseach clearly did not put that position but the main thrust of what I was trying to say was that these are draft negotiating guidelines and he has the opportunity to secure a stronger position. For example, he may know that the European Parliament voted earlier on a joint resolution, which contains stronger commitments about the North and the island of Ireland than either the Government's position or these guidelines.

I am sure the Taoiseach knows that the only way to stop a hard economic border on the island of Ireland is to have special status for the North within the EU. I come back to what I said previously. The Taoiseach should have been seeking the type of position which the Spanish secured. His answer shows he does not understand his responsibility as Taoiseach under the terms of the Good Friday Agreement because there is now a new relationship. He has equal responsibility along with the British Government for all of this new relationship.

Will the Taoiseach commit to that? Will he say "Yes" or "No"?

I hope the election results in Northern Ireland have not gone to the Deputy's head in that he knows everything about everything. I fully understand my responsibilities here. These are draft guidelines and they are to be signed off by the Council of the European Union on 29 April. They are draft guidelines. There are 26 other countries involved with their particular points of view and one of those countries is Spain. The Spanish position in respect of Gibraltar is an entirely different concept from that which applies in the case of Northern Ireland. The Deputy is aware of the Good Friday Agreement. He is aware of a referendum, North and South. He is aware -----

Will the Taoiseach answer the question?

-----this is the only unique, particular, specific special case in Europe where the land border will apply. We do not want a return to a hard border and we will not have a return to a hard border. That has been agreed by the Irish and British Governments and is reflected in the Prime Minister's letter triggering Article 50. It is reflected in the European Parliament's paperwork and document about Northern Ireland, the Border, the peace process and the common travel area and it is reflected in the European Union's Council-----

Is that "Yes" or "No"?

-----draft guidelines which will be negotiated and signed off on 29 April.

Is the Taoiseach going to strengthen the position?

Far from the Deputy's assessment that the Government does not appreciate or understand the concept here, we have negotiated to this point in respect of 26 other countries-----

It is not good enough.

-----for looking after our priorities which are our economy, our citizens, the Border, the common travel area and the peace process in recognising that unique, particular, special set of circumstance that apply in Northern Ireland. I will not take any lectures from Deputy Adams in this matter.