Last evening, party leaders were invited to a meeting with the Taoiseach for a briefing on the Government's position paper in the wake of the EU Council meeting on Brexit. The meeting was a farce. We were not furnished with an advance copy of the 60-page document, or any copy for that matter, which meant that a discussion on the Government's published approach was not possible. The meeting was effectively abandoned. This reflects the Government's persistent refusal to consult properly with the leaders of the Opposition on important issues such as this.

Sinn Féin has consistently advocated that the Government take a stronger position on Brexit. We made detailed submissions to the Taoiseach both before and after the draft EU negotiating guidelines were published. Following our recent criticism, in response to Deputy Pearse Doherty the Taoiseach advised us that the Government had submitted further wording in advance of last Saturday's meeting of the 27 EU member states. However, the Dáil has not been told what these amendments were. I can find only one minor amendment in the agreed text. That is what the Government got into the text. What it did not get into it was a commitment that there would be no agreement on the Border or on the status of the North without a separate and binding agreement between the Irish Government and Britain. That would have been similar to the position secured by Spain in respect of Gibraltar. I suspect we did not get that because we did not ask for it. Irish unity was not mentioned in the initial draft guidelines. Again, I suspect that the Government did not ask for it. It is not in last Saturday's guidelines either. Did the Government even try to have it included? The Taoiseach refuses to tell us, so perhaps the Minister, Deputy Bruton, could let us know. Instead, the Government settled for it being in the minutes of the meeting.

While that is a welcome development, it is no accident that it is not reflected in the directives published by Michel Barnier today. His negotiating directives for the European Commission are in line with the European Council guidelines. That means they are generally vague and aspirational. That is neither Michel Barnier's nor the European Commission's fault but the responsibility of the Taoiseach. Mr. Barnier is well disposed towards Ireland but he can only do what he is asked to do. The record is pitiful and lamentable. The record of this and the last Government in dealing with our European partners is not a good one. The European Council guidelines could have gone considerably further. We all know there is a recognition in the European Union of the special unique circumstances faced by Ireland as a result of Brexit but a stronger approach by the Government could have achieved a great deal more. This means there is a huge amount to do in the forthcoming negotiations.

I do not know if the Taoiseach will be around to follow through on that or whether he will hand the task to somebody else when he finishes his long goodbye. Will the Minister implore the Taoiseach to seek support for designated status for the North within the European Union, in other words, to keep the entire island within the EU, and insist on a veto for Ireland on any deal that does not include that provision?

I thank the Deputy for raising this issue. It gives us an opportunity to acknowledge the tremendous work done by the Taoiseach and many others across the Government, including the Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade and other Ministers, and by many throughout the public service.

A fair and balanced judgment of the negotiating mandate would recognise that we could not be in a stronger position than we are in terms of the letter from Downing Street and the recognition it gave to the concerns about Irish issues, the protection of the peace process, the common travel area, opportunities for trade and so on. That is further enshrined in Article 11 of the negotiating mandate agreed to at the weekend.

The European Union has set out very clearly the issues of unique concern to Ireland and openly recognised the Good Friday Agreement and the need to recognise what it means for Northern Ireland into the future. It has recognised the need to avoid a hard border and its importance, not just economically but also politically and for the common travel area. It recognises that those prior agreements such as the common travel area that were part and parcel of our arrangements before the European Union was established are recognised as legal instruments and have to be taken into account in the negotiations.

The Taoiseach and his team have put us in a very strong position. Not only that, significant work has been done in examining every sector of the economy and building on the basis of what we have achieved to date in order to make the economy resilient in order that we can meet these challenges. Today the CSO has recognised that the level of unemployment is now 6.2%. Over 200,000 extra people are back at work. This has been achieved through a consistent approach by the Government to diversifying our exports, strengthening innovation in the economy and enhancing the enterprise base of the economy. These measures are vital.

I rarely hear speakers from Sinn Féin say how important it is that we sustain the economic resilience that was built so painstakingly because that essentially is the way in which we will be able to respond creatively to the challenges. It is very encouraging to note that the European Union has stated that, in view of the unique circumstances on the island of Ireland, flexible and imaginative solutions will be required, including the aim of avoiding a hard border, while respecting the integrity of the legal order in the Union. The European Union went on to state that, in this context, it should also recognise existing bilateral agreements and arrangements between the United Kingdom and Ireland which are compatible with EU law. The European Union could not have gone further at this point. We all know that we are embarking on a challenging period of negotiations and that we have to have the resilience and flexibility to respond as the situation develops. I can assure Deputy Gerry Adams that the Government has put a lot of preparation into ensuring we will be in such a position.

The Minister has said flexible and imaginative solutions are required. What does that mean? Is it a case of "Whatever you are having yourself"? Everyone in the Government is a negotiator. He or she needs to have substantive, definitive, clear and unqualified commitments rather than wishy-washy rhetoric. It is clear that Brexit will have a serious and detrimental effect on Irish jobs and businesses, in particular in the agriculture and agrifood sectors. I did not argue that the document produced by the Government was not the result of hard work, especially on the part of public officials. I do not doubt them and commend them for their work. The problem is that that work has not been directed by any big political vision or strategy. It is little wonder that Michel Barnier's directives are vague. That is the failing of the Government and the Taoiseach. It is not a criticism of anyone except the Government. These challenging times demand political direction which is visionary and imaginative, but it is not being provided. If we do not provide it, no one else in the European Union will do it for us. We need clear and definitive proposals.

I again make the case that the best way to secure our future is through achieving designated special status for the North within the European Union. Incidentally, that would recognise the decision of the people of the North who voted to remain but the Government continues to resist it. Why will it not call for special designated status for the North within the European Union? I ask the Minister to riddle me that.

If the Deputy reads what has been agreed to in the negotiating mandate, he will see that the special position of Ireland is being recognised in every dimension the Government sought. He has complained that the Government did not start out with a strategy. We had a very clear strategy.

We set that out at the time to protect the peace process and the common travel area and to ensure we did not have a hard border. We sought to ensure that we guaranteed in so far as possible the protection of trade. Those were the goals of Government at that time and they have now been adopted not just by the European negotiating team and Michel Barnier but also by the European Council itself. The UK has also recognised the importance of these issues. The strategic goals we set have been adopted not just by the European Council but by Britain, which puts us in the best possible position to negotiate the solutions we want. While, of course, we are only at the start of a negotiating process, this mandate very clearly bears the marks of the work of the Taoiseach and that is to be welcomed.

That is very clear.