Northern Ireland briefings
Deputy Gerry Adams challenged Government media briefings about Sinn Féin, Michelle O'Neill and the restoration of the Northern institutions, calling them untruthful and asking who authorised them. The Taoiseach denied knowledge of internal Sinn Féin politics, said the main responsibility lay with Sinn Féin and the DUP to restore the Executive, and criticised Adams's own language about unionism.
I want to talk to the Taoiseach about the North and about his Government's recent briefings to the media. Last week, press reports attributed to briefings from the Government said that Sinn Féin's leader in the North, Michelle O'Neill, did a deal with the DUP to restore the Executive but that she was blocked by senior members of the party. Michelle is a senior member of the party. In fact, she is the party's nominee for the Office of the First Minister and Deputy First Minister when we get the institutions back in place. These briefings on the part of the Taoiseach's Government were untruthful, malicious and shameful. They were in line with his remarks to Teachta McDonald a few weeks ago. He said then that it is no wonder the people of Northern Ireland do not have an Executive "because this is the attitude of Sinn Féin. They are constantly hectoring and making smart aleck remarks. There is a lack of temperance, a lack of respect for other people and an inability to listen or to compromise." These were the Taoiseach's words, which reflect the attitude that underpinned last week's briefings and the claims that there was a basis for a deal and that Michelle O'Neill and Conor Murphy have been hung out to dry. None of this is true. In fairness to the DUP, Arlene Foster contradicted the spin to the effect that a deal was imminent last week.
Let me say again for the record that Sinn Féin's endeavour is to have the institutions reestablished and functioning properly as quickly as possible. I was in Stormont yesterday, on Monday and last week. I dealt with these issues this morning and will do so again later. I know that the process is slow. That is because of the resistance to change within elements of political unionism. These stubborn elements are being humoured by the British Government in denying citizens their rights, and the Taoiseach is tolerating it. These talks are essentially about implementing existing agreements that have been broken.
Equality, identity and rights are central to this. These are rights to which citizens are entitled in every other part of these islands. These are rights contained in the Good Friday Agreement and other agreements. Perhaps the Taoiseach would advise me on which of these rights citizens in the North should give up. Perhaps he would also advise the Dáil on how he discharged his responsibilities and how he approached the British Prime Minister in respect of these fundamental matters. It is no coincidence that the Government's briefings ran parallel with briefings from the British Government, although theirs were much more temperate. On reflection, why would this not be so, when they have the Taoiseach's shiny new communications unit to do the nasty briefings? Will the Taoiseach tell the Dáil and the people of this island the purpose of the briefings? What exactly was he trying to achieve?
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-----or any internal disagreements or rivalries that may exist and I have no particular interest in them, either. That is all I can say about that.
What is required now is that since the Democratic Unionist Party and Sinn Féin - the major parties in Northern Ireland - have been given a mandate on several occasions by the citizens of Northern Ireland, they should come together, reach an agreement-----
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-----and get the Executive up and running. They should have the assembly meeting, which would thereby allow us to meet Ministers from Northern Ireland, as we did in the past, at the North-South Ministerial Council. They should allow Northern Ireland to have a voice and a say when it comes to Brexit through the Joint Ministerial Council and they should allow a First Minister and Deputy First Minister to attend the British-Irish Council in Jersey next month. I will be attending with the Scottish and Welsh First Ministers but, once again, Northern Ireland will be unrepresented and absent.
What Sinn Féin seems to be doing - Deputy Adams is doing it today and perhaps was trying to do it last week as well - is setting the scene to ensure that somebody else gets the blame for the failure to come to an agreement in Northern Ireland.
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It is what Deputy Adams has done in this House in the past few minutes. He cannot blame people for carrying out shadowy briefings; he did it himself in this Chamber in the past few minutes. He spoke about stubborn elements in political unionism. That is not a good way to talk about people with whom he is trying to reach an agreement. He refers to stubborn elements in political unionism and then attacks the Government and its British counterpart.
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This does not sound like the language of somebody who is trying to lead his party into an agreement with the unionists or into co-operation with the British and Irish Governments.
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This sounds like somebody who has already given up and is trying to spread the blame to others.
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I never give up. The Taoiseach has learned nothing. I asked him a straightforward question. These were briefings from his Government. What about accountability? What about transparency? I asked him what they were about and he did not answer. The Taoiseach should also explain why a Government source accused Sinn Féin - as the Taoiseach has done just now - of being more focused on preparing for direct rule than on restoring the institutions in the North. Why am I particularly concerned about this accusation? It is because I wrote to the Taoiseach almost a fortnight ago about his Government's responsibility to prevent British direct rule in keeping with a long-standing agreement with the British. I have yet to receive a reply to that letter, although the briefing followed it.
Why would the Taoiseach want to undermine Michelle O'Neill? Over 70% of nationalists in the North voted for the party she leads. Does the Taoiseach think those citizens do not read his remarks? They are absolutely dearg le fearg with him over the tone he has taken up. It is as if John Bruton was back in the Taoiseach's office.
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With respect to the Taoiseach, Deputy Varadkar, and John Bruton, the Taoiseach has to fulfil his responsibilities, his obligations and his duty to the people of the entire island. In particular, he must deal with the British Prime Minister as an equal and ensure that both Governments honour their obligations. That is much more difficult than last week's carry on. It is much more difficult than the Taoiseach's glib answers of a moment ago. It would, however, be much more beneficial to everyone, particularly the people in the North.
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I have no difficulty speaking for myself. I think anyone in this House will know that I speak my mind and do not mince my words. I do not need to operate through Government briefings and I am not going to account for Government briefings any more than I would expect Deputy Adams to account for Sinn Féin briefings or unattributed sources in newspapers. What I have said, I have said very clearly. The primary responsibility to form an Executive in Northern Ireland falls to Sinn Féin and the DUP. They are the ones who went out and knocked on doors in several elections and sought a mandate from the citizens of Northern Ireland. They got a mandate and there is now a situation whereby the North could be the worst affected area in the European Union when it comes to Brexit but where there are no elected Ministers to speak for the people. We have a situation where the money for public services is running out.
The British Government may have to introduce a budget from London because politicians in Northern Ireland are willing to allow money to run out for education, health care and other services. There are enormous challenges to be dealt with. I ask Deputy Adams and his colleagues to make the necessary compromises to enable an agreement to be reached. In forming a coalition it is always necessary to make compromises. Fine Gael had to make many compromises to form the last two coalitions. It is important not to look for cover for those compromises. Make them, own them and defend them and do not try to spread the blame.