One week from today, the Public Prosecution Service for Northern Ireland, known as the PPS, will meet the families of victims of Bloody Sunday to brief them on the decisions it has made arising from its investigation into the events of Bloody Sunday. As the Tánaiste can imagine, this is an incredibly sensitive time for the families. Last weekend the PPS asked people to avoid speculation ahead of that meeting out of sensitivity for the concerns and interests of the families. That justifiable call has been ignored at the highest levels of the British Government and the British Tory Party. Boris Johnson added to it last weekend in his article in the The Daily Telegraph and with his callously inappropriate tweets. His statements trampled all over the feelings of the families. He ignored the fact that 13 people had been murdered on that day and that a 14th person had died from injuries he had suffered on that day. He also ignored the apology given by the former Prime Minister David Cameron specifically to the people of Derry and the families for the hurt and the wrongs done on that day.

Although it is easy to dismiss Boris Johnson because he is paid to be bizarre, as a former Foreign Secretary, he should not be allowed to get away with these remarks. We cannot dismiss the words of Karen Bradley because she is the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland. Her comments yesterday in the UK Parliament added to the enormous distress of the families. She completely ignored the views and requests of the PPS, as expressed last weekend. Her comments were completely inappropriate and, even worse, ignored due process and the impending decision of the PPS. She walked all over the rights, feelings and sensitivities of the families. She also ignored their grief and frustration. In the light of the history of the events of Bloody Sunday, the Oireachtas cannot let her remarks go unchecked.

Like every Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade, the Tánaiste has had to deal with legacy issues on the nationalist and unionist sides. The grief and frustration of all families are still very raw, while we are trying to tackle those legacies. As a Parliament and as a political class, we have tried to approach these issues with sensitivity. Yesterday's remarks were absolutely callous, completely out of order and totally inappropriate. I gather that the Tánaiste met Karen Bradley last night in London and that they were due to discuss this matter. How did he express people's anger at the remarks she made yesterday? Does she realise how offensive and careless they were? Does the Tánaiste accept that the comments she made yesterday show complete disrespect for the families? Ms Bradley said her comments had been misrepresented, but I do not accept that explanation. Does the Tánaiste accept it? Does he think Ms Bradley should withdraw her remarks immediately and issue a full apology to the families of those whom she offended?

I thank the Deputy for raising this issue, which is one the House needs to address today. I met the Secretary of State, Karen Bradley, yesterday evening and assure the House that she is in no doubt as to where we stand on this issue. I made it very clear that the Irish Government's position was that there should be effective investigations into all deaths during the Troubles, regardless of who the perpetrators were. That is what was agreed to at Stormont House and that is what needs to be legislated for. No amnesties from prosecution are provided for in the Good Friday Agreement or any subsequent agreement, including the Stormont House Agreement. The Irish Government has been clear - we were clear again last night - that it will not support any proposal to introduce such a measure for state or non-state actors. I reiterated that point very directly last night.

While the Secretary of State's second statement yesterday afternoon, in which she clarified that "where there is evidence of wrongdoing it should always be investigated, whoever is responsible," was important, perhaps it was not enough. We need to stop and recognise that the comments she made yesterday morning caused intense concern, hurt and distress to families who had lost loved ones in dreadful circumstances. After all these years, their level of trust is understandably at a low level. Their confidence that a framework will be brought forward to address properly their deeply felt concerns is fragile, to say the least. That goes for all victims of violence perpetrated by anyone. I have met many such families and every one of them deserves respect, support and sensitivity. We have a responsibility to attempt to meet their concerns in a comprehensive way. That means fully implementing the Stormont House Agreement framework.

Most Members of the House will not have had access to the statement the Secretary of State issued in the past few minutes. It is much more detailed than the second statement she made yesterday. She apologises and says she is "profoundly sorry for the offence and hurt that [her] words have caused." She says "the language was wrong" and "deeply insensitive." She says very clearly that she wants "to see justice properly delivered" and that she and her Government "believe fundamentally in the rule of law." In the context of the tragedies we have seen in Northern Ireland, she says "where there is any evidence of wrongdoing this should be pursued without fear or favour whoever the perpetrators might be."

To answer Deputy Calleary's questions, we have raised these issues very directly and I think the Secretary of State now recognises the seriousness of the statement made yesterday. I think she is making a very significant effort today to try to correct it. She has made a very direct apology to the families. I understand she is likely to be in Belfast this evening and may comment further. I also understand she may make direct contact with the families.

The statement does not go far enough because it is digging again and ignores so many other things. The Tánaiste has said he has been clear with the British Government. I accept that he has been, but it has ignored the will of this House in relation to the Dublin and Monaghan bombings. It has ignored the issues surounding the Pat Finucane and Ballymurphy cases. It seems that there is a mindset to ignore these things in the hope they will go away, but they cannot. This House owes it to the families to defend their rights and loved ones and stand up for their interests. How does the Tánaiste expect the families to work with Karen Bradley from here on in, given her remarks yesterday? She made the remarks in the House of Commons and was not under pressure. She was answering questions and, frankly, her comments were calculated. That she has made such remarks has added enormously to the distress of many. She has ignored the wish of the PPS for people not to become involved in this issue. The Tánaiste has to know and understand the anger of people on this and the other issues I have mentioned, including the Dublin and Monaghan bombings. The British Government's mindset is to keep ignoring these issues in the hope they will go away. That is what was behind yesterday's statement. That is actually the real feeling of the British Government about these issues.

The Deputy should read the statement in full before dismissing it entirely. I understand what he is saying in terms of the depth of feeling and distress that these comments have added to. The timing could not have been worse when one considers what is likely to happen next week with 14 families waiting for a briefing from the Public Prosecution Service for Northern Ireland. It is a very stressful time for the families. One can also consider the timing of the judgment in the Pat Finucane case, which again has heightened focus on legacy issues. The police ombudsman's investigation and the information flow from the PSNI has also raised real concerns. There are ongoing requests for more information to be released on the Dublin-Monaghan bombings. This is a time of real sensitivity.

It also is a time of real sensitivity for many victims of violence and terrorism, from Kingsmill and many other areas, as well as for the Ballymurphy families. We are at a really sensitive point in Northern Ireland where legacy issues need to be dealt with in a sensitive way. The Secretary of State is very aware of that, and that is why she has issued a long statement today. I hope there will be direct contact with some of the families concerned to try to rebuild some trust and faith following the comments made yesterday.

Ba mhaith liom an t-ábhar céanna a ardú leis an Tánaiste inniu, is é sin an méid a dúirt Karen Bradley i dTithe na Parlaiminte i Londain. Níl dabht ar bith gur chuir sé isteach go mór ar iad a fuair a ngaolta bás faoi lámh fhórsaí na Breataine. Yesterday the British Secretary of State, Karen Bradley, stated that the killings carried out by British security forces in the North were not crimes. It was an outrageous and ridiculous statement, which followed on from a statement from the British Prime Minister, Theresa May, who indicated that the British Government is planning to introduce legislation to protect serving and former British soldiers who may have committed crimes. This did not emerge from the blue, but rather was a part of a sequence of events happening within the Tory Party. The comments of both are an insult to families who have lost loved ones at the hands of the British army and their proxies in loyalist death squads who were directed by the British state. Such comments add insult to injury for the families who have suffered these awful tragedies and who have faced difficulties in trying to secure the truth for many decades. These families are faced with the British Government's continued attempts to block access to the truth and justice that they so desperately seek.

Nobody can be above the law. Bereaved families, some of whom have been campaigning for almost five decades, are entitled to the justice they seek. The Tánaiste mentioned that at Stormont House, the two Governments and the relevant parties agreed a process that was supposed to deal with issues of the past but which the British Government has thus far refused to honour. That goes to the core of what is happening within the Tory Government at this point in time. It is refusing to implement the Stormont House Agreement.

Can the Tánaiste outline to the House the conversation he had with the Secretary of State, Karen Bradley, during their engagement last night? Did he ask her to withdraw her remarks? I have read her statement and she has not withdrawn them. She has said that the language used was inappropriate. It should be clear that the problem is not just with the language she used. The content of her remarks in the House of Commons was deeply inappropriate and was insulting to the victims and to those who have lost loved ones directly at the hands of the British forces, and indirectly through loyalist actions supported through collusion and other assistance by the British state. Did the Tánaiste ask the Secretary of State the position of the British Government on the Stormont House Agreement? Will it now honour the commitments entered into many years ago when that agreement was struck? This goes right to the heart of British policy on dealing with legacy issues. The families and victims are being let down once again. The Tánaiste has acknowledged the hurt and pain that has been caused by the actions of the British Government, but many have said that they are not surprised that this is its position. They were surprised, however, that it was stated so bluntly and in such a matter-of-fact way in the House of Commons yesterday.

As the Deputy would expect, I had a very long meeting with Karen Bradley last night on this issue. At the end of the meeting, I asked her to state publically what she stated to me when I asked her for reassurance from her Government that it was still committed to the Stormont House framework on dealing with legacy issues in Northern Ireland and that it would move forward on that basis. I asked her to confirm that it could not and would not support any form of amnesty or Statute of Limitations that would mean that certain killings would not be fully investigated because of who the perpetrators may have been. I made very clear to the Secretary of State the impact that her statement earlier that day in Westminster would have on many families who were deeply hurt and very sceptical about whether they would be able to get truth and justice through the proposed legacy framework. I think she accepted all of those things and there is a strong attempt by her today to provide clarification. I understand that she may be in Belfast later this evening and may comment further but I think the apology and the confirmation that any evidence of wrongdoing should be pursued without fear or favour, whoever the perpetrators might be, is the kind of language consistent with what was agreed at Stormont House. That is what the two Governments need to recommit to: there is no other approach to legacy and dealing with it in a way that finds truth and justice for everybody and hopefully move society towards a process of reconciliation on the back of that truth. The Government will not support any other approach apart from what has been agreed between the two Governments and supported by the political parties, including Sinn Féin, in the Stormont House Agreement.

I note the Government's continued support for the Stormont House Agreement as the vehicle for dealing with legacy issues and to provide a pathway for those who have lost loved ones and for those who were injured to access justice and truth. It does not take away from the fact that the British Government is still not honouring that agreement. While the Tánaiste has outlined his comments to Karen Bradley and his hope that she would clarify a number of points, she did not provide that clarity in her statement today. She did not suggest that the British Government supported the Stormont House Agreement. Indeed, her statement is silent on that. It did not deal with the Statute of Limitations issue, in the context of the British Prime Minister, Theresa May, indicating this week that the British Government is planning to introduce legislation to protect serving and former British soldiers who may have committed crimes. The statement is silent on that issue.

Her statement conceded that the language used was wrong. It was not just an incorrect use of language, but the content of what she said was completely wrong and hurtful. I am mindful that the former deputy leader of Fine Gael, Senator Reilly, is calling for the resignation of Karen Bradley in the Upper House today. I am not sure whether the Government shares that view or if it was something the Tánaiste shared with her personally last night. Is the Tánaiste calling for Karen Bradley to retract her statement and not just apologise for the language used in her earlier statement?

I made it very clear to the Secretary of State last night that I believe her statement was wrong and ill-advised, and that it would cause deep offence to many people. I think she recognises that, but she can speak for herself. It is a very unusual situation where, in a different Parliament, a Minister of another Government is commenting on another Minister. I work with Karen Bradley on many issues. I believe she is a good person. I believe she has made a mistake here. She is apologising for it and is trying to correct it today. I hope she will be able to do that in a way that is convincing for the families impacted and affected by the statement made yesterday. I will continue to work with her to try to ensure that what was agreed between the two Governments and political parties as a way forward on legacy issues, which is hugely important on so many levels but in particular for victims and their families across Northern Ireland from both communities and none, is followed through on now. That is not to say it is straightforward because we know that with politics in London it is challenging to bring forward legislation linked to legacy.

I thank the Tánaiste.

That is no secret. However, I made the Irish Government's position very clear. We will not support a legacy process that is not fair and balanced and that does not treat all-----

Time is up.

-----crimes and killings during the Troubles in Northern Ireland in a way that is consistent with what was agreed at Stormont House.