Yesterday, we went badly over time on Leaders’ Questions. I appeal to Members to adhere to Standing Orders.

Yesterday, the Taoiseach asked belatedly for the Opposition to back the Government's decision on the broadband plan. He did so in full electioneering mode with little genuine regard for people’s legitimate concerns about the Government's decision. I do not believe he has played up front with the Opposition or indeed the public on this issue. He did not engage comprehensively with the Opposition on the issue prior to making his decision as he said he would. Crucially, he did not reveal the serious and comprehensive opposition from the Department of Public Expenditure and Reform to the plan until after the Government’s decision was taken and at a late stage in a desperate bid to avoid any questions last week on Leaders’ Questions.

The primary function of the Opposition is to hold the Government to account and to ask the hard questions on value for money, the public spending code and the delayed roll-out of broadband. The public is annoyed and frustrated at the long delays because, after all, this project was announced back in 2012 but has not yet been delivered. Even with what has been announced, people are talking about another seven to ten years for a full roll-out.

Yesterday, the Taoiseach declared it would be an ambitious and expensive plan. I remind him that it is not his money but the taxpayers’ money. He is electioneering and playing politics with large sums of taxpayers’ money. Taxpayers are increasingly angry at the cavalier approach which has been shown to date. Signing this contract, for example, means an extra €500 million has to be found between 2019 and 2022. An additional €1.5 billion has to be found in the national development plan, over and above the €800 million already allocated for the plan. This funding is on top of the additional funding of €385 million required for the national children's hospital over the next three years. There is no provision anywhere for this funding, despite the Opposition asking basic questions as to where the funding will come from.

Yesterday, the Taoiseach stood over the cost-benefit analysis. The Department of Public Expenditure and Reform pointed out - I do not know if the Taoiseach has read the memo - that in the final version changes were made to the cost-benefit analysis reducing the benefits of the project by a total of over €1 billion. We learned from Harry McGee, who deals with this well in today’s The Irish Times, that as the benefits were reduced in the final version, the costs to the operator of the cost-benefit analysis were also reduced miraculously – “fortuitously” in the words of the Secretary General of the Department of Public Expenditure and Reform - by over €1 billion due to an error unspotted in all previous iterations. In summary, he stated the cost-benefit analysis is not credible and it is questionable whether it is consistent with the public spending code.

Will the Taoiseach agree to a full inquiry at the Oireachtas communications committee where legitimate concerns can be discussed and responded to? Will he tell me where the additional funds required for this plan, as well as the additional moneys for the children's hospital, will be found between 2019 and 2022? Does he still stand over the cost-benefit analysis?

On questions I asked yesterday on Granahan McCourt Capital, GMC, and David McCourt’s brother’s companies, what evidence was obtained by the Department to ensure it has full legal recourse to the resources of McCourt Global LLC and the Tetrad Corporation which GMC relied upon for its financial underpinning?

There is no electioneering going on when it comes to this decision. No matter when we would have made the announcement on the preferred bidder, we would have been accused of either electioneering or trying to bury it until after the forthcoming elections. The Deputy knows as well as I do that if we had put off the decision to appoint a preferred bidder until next month, he would have turned around and said this was a controversial project, the Government hid it until the local elections and only came out with it after them. It is more politics from the Deputy’s side when it comes to allegations about the timing.

I take seriously any reasoned or considered concerns that anybody in the Opposition might have about this project. I had reasoned and considered concerns as well. That is why when the Minister for Communications, Climate Action and Environment, Deputy Bruton, was appointed in October, I asked him to look at the whole process afresh to see if it was the right technology, as well as the best funding and financial model to use. I asked him to satisfy himself that this was the case and that the alternatives were not better. I wanted to satisfy myself that was the case as well, as did the Minister for Public Expenditure and Reform, Deputy Donohoe, and the Cabinet. We took some months and detailed consideration to do exactly that, taking into account all of the advice from different Departments, as well as independent advice.

All I am asking Deputy Micheál Martin and his party, along with the other Opposition parties, is not to rush to a conclusion on this, to keep open the possibility that they might be willing to support this, having heard the answers to the questions they asked, and consider whether the alternatives put forward are deliverable. I repeat that request to the Opposition again today.

I would welcome hearings at the Oireachtas joint committee. I would have no objection to that whatsoever. I just believe we should ensure there is reasonable timeframe around them and the terms of reference are agreed by the major parties.

The Government has been transparent about this. We have released the advice from officials in the Departments of Public Expenditure and Reform and Communications, Climate Action and Environment. We have released all the documents and independent analyses from different companies such as Analysys Mason, PwC and KPMG. There is also advice from officials from my Department in favour of this project. Usually, this material would come out later on, perhaps on foot of freedom of information requests and in a drip-drip manner. We took a deliberate decision to release all material which would be released early because we want to be transparent about this.

The Deputy is correct that this is taxpayers’ money. The value of this project, however, should not be forgotten. About half the money for this project is taxpayers’ money while the other half will come from investments from the bidder, commercial revenues and other sources and borrowings. This is taxpayers’ money well spent. It will end the digital divide between rural and urban Ireland. This is a digital divide which is widening and one which we will never close if we do not go ahead with this project. It will connect 1.1 million homes in every county. The Deputy is right to focus on the costs but he should not turn a blind eye to the benefits either.

Again, the Taoiseach did not answer the questions. Where will the additional funds come from over the next three years? What projects will be shelved to facilitate this plan? These are legitimate questions which are asked in the memo from the Department of Public Expenditure and Reform to the Taoiseach. We are entitled to an answer. We have got drip-drip. The Taoiseach did not reveal the documentation prior to making the decision. Belatedly, he then expects the Opposition to roll along with him.

Does he still stand over the cost-benefit analysis when in the final version €1 billion is lost on the benefits and miraculously found in terms of costs? I would not use the phrase “cook the books” but it demands some serious questioning by the Taoiseach and everybody on this side of the House as to the cost-benefit analysis. How was it only spotted at the 11th hour? What went on? We need to find answers to those questions.

GMC has to rely on another financial entity. This has been confirmed by the Department of Communications, Climate Action and Environment. It turns out to be the Tetrad Corporation and David McCourt’s brother’s company. Was the Department satisfied by a letter from Frank McCourt’s company to the effect that he could underpin the financial capacity of GMC? What level of guarantee did the Government get? What evidence was obtained by the Department to ensure it has full legal recourse to the resources of McCourt Global LLC and Tetrad Corporation, companies on which GMC relied, a fact stated publicly by the Department?

Please, Deputy, the time is up.

Did Peter Smyth talk to Frank McCourt during his inquiry?

There will be no budgetary impact in 2019 and a minimal impact in 2020. In fact, there may possibly be none as a result of carry-over. There will be a budgetary impact from 2021 onwards. The Minister, Deputy Donohoe, in the summer economic statement, due in a few weeks’ time, will indicate exactly-----

Did the Taoiseach read the memo? The Taoiseach's own memo said the opposite.

That proves that there will be very few people getting broadband until 2022.

-----how that will be provided for.

I stand over the cost-benefit analysis. Yes, errors were detected along the way but the final cost-benefit analysis after all corrections still showed that this is a positive project and that the benefits outweigh the costs in all scenarios-----

It does not say that.

-----the pessimistic scenario, the core scenario and the most optimistic one. The cost-benefit analysis does not include many things which I think are very important.

Since when did the Taoiseach get to define a cost-benefit analysis?

When did the Taoiseach get the cost-benefit analysis?

These include smart farming, the potential positive impact it will have on rural isolation, e-health, e-government, and home working.

And Fine Gael votes.

None of those is taken into account by the cost-benefit analysis, and even then it is still positive. It should be born in mind that this was undertaken independently by PwC. Yesterday the Deputy cast aspersions on KPMG-----

I thank the Taoiseach.

Will the Taoiseach answer my question about Tetrad?

-----a company with thousands of employees and today he is casting aspersions on PwC. I think that is wrong.

Will the Taoiseach answer my question about Tetrad Corporation and Granahan McCourt?

It is wrong for the leader of the Opposition to come into the House and cast aspersions on two large firms and all their staff and to do so two days in a row. I think that is wrong.

Will the Taoiseach answer my question about the relationship between Tetrad Corporation and Granahan McCourt?

On the final question on financial requirements, these were set out in tender documents many years ago.

Yes, I have read them.

As the Minister, Deputy Bruton, outlined yesterday, there is no issue with any bidder relying on the resources of any companies.

I did not ask that.

Granahan McCourt relied on Tetrad Corporation and McCourt Global LLC to demonstrate its financial and economic capacity. This was entirely appropriate given the scale of the investment required. This was allowed for by the project information memorandum and the prequalification questionnaire which were given to all bidders in 2016 and were published last week. This is a standard procurement procedure to ensure that the appropriate financial capacities and guarantees are in place.

I thank the Taoiseach.

All other bidders to the process would have sought to do the same.

I asked the Taoiseach when that was made manifest. How was it made manifest?

I call Deputy McDonald.

Was it by letter or was it by legal undertaking?

Go raibh maith agat.

Can I get an answer to that question, please? There is no point in asking questions if we do not get answers. How was that made manifest? The Minister is beside him. He passed a note.

The time for the question is over, I am sorry.

Will the Taoiseach please answer?

I am sure the Minister will be happy to answer that.