It is very clear that this Government is determined to erode any remaining semblance of Ireland's military neutrality. It is doing so extremely cynically by attempting to portray it as a necessary and mature response to Putin's horrendous invasion of Ukraine. The truth is that it is not a new position for the political establishment or Fine Gael. We can go back 19 years to 2003, when Fine Gael proposed in a policy document to move beyond neutrality. The document supported participation in a common EU defence policy and abandoning the so-called triple lock, which requires that the Government needs UN authorisation and the approval of the Dáil before engaging in military action. That argument described the triple lock mechanism as a political straitjacket. Those words are very revealing about the attitude of the political establishment to neutrality in this country.

Ordinary people have overwhelming support for neutrality and see it as independence from military alliances and consistent opposition to all imperialism, be it Russian, American, British or whoever. It is a position in line with the slogan of "Neither King Nor Kaiser" raised by James Connolly in the First World War in opposition to the slaughter of working class people in a war for colonies and profit. In contrast, the political establishment sees it as a straitjacket and a restriction on its ability to cosy up further to US imperialism, including sending working class young people to fight and die in new wars for oil and profit. They have worked consistently and assiduously to undermine it, like with the criminal use of Shannon Airport to ferry over 2.5 million US troops to occupy the Middle East.

The Government wants to be fully rid of it and now it sees its chance. Just look at what has been said in the past two weeks. The Taoiseach said that neutrality is a policy issue that can change at any time. The Tánaiste said we need to think about greater involvement in European defence. The Minister for Foreign Affairs said three days ago that there is a good chance we will be involved in the rapid reaction force and raised the need for a debate about the triple lock. All of this is being done without a public debate and the ability of the people to decide.

Next week, we are using our Private Member's time to try to ensure that they do have a say and that we have a referendum to enshrine neutrality in the Constitution. That means no involvement in military alliances like NATO or the Collective Security Treaty Organization, CSTO. It means no transport of war material or personnel through the country to participate in armed conflict and it means no participation in European militarisation. I know the Minister does not agree with that, but he said a couple of weeks ago that it is appropriate to debate Irish neutrality. Would he agree to have the debate in public and let the people decide?

There are few politicians in this House that better understand the practical value of our neutrality and the impact it has had on Ireland being able to support the vulnerable and stand by our principles and our commitment to human rights than, for example, the Taoiseach. As a Minister for Foreign Affairs, and now as a representative of the European Council, he has articulated the value of our neutrality on many occasions. The Minister for Foreign Affairs used an emphasis on neutrality and our commitment to human rights to, for example, see Ireland attain a position on the UN Security Council.

I can assure Deputy Murphy of two things. The first is that this Government and those involved in this debate are well aware of the importance of our neutrality and the impact it can have on articulating and effecting Irish values on foreign policy in a world that has become so volatile and dangerous. The second thing I can assure the Deputy of is that there is no political establishment over here. Instead, what we have is a Government that is looking at a world that is changing and has become more dangerous. It is looking at millions of people who are fleeing chaos, trauma and the disintegration of their lives due to a war that is being waged by Vladimir Putin. We are seeking to find the ways in which we can co-operate most effectively with like-minded countries within the European Union.

The very capacities and policies that we are now using to respond to this humanitarian crisis are the same that Deputy Murphy campaigned against, and has been against, for so long. From a humanitarian and defence point of view, the Government is responding in a way that is consistent with our policies and values. The Government has acknowledged that in a world that is changing and has become so much more dangerous we are neutral, but we are not neutral to the carnage and terror that is being inflicted on people in Ukraine at the moment. We are not neutral when it comes to that. They are values that we hold dear.

When we see the scenes that are taking place and the poor children and teenagers coming to our airports without their parents, that is something that we are not neutral about and we want to respond to that. Any debate that takes place regarding the principles that underpin our foreign and security policy for decades to come will of course happen in public and in a way in which the Oireachtas is central.

Will the Minister agree that there be a referendum and that the people get to decide on the question of neutrality instead of having a false mature public debate which does not actually allow the people to participate? Will the Minister accept that if Ireland is going to join a rapid reaction force which is, in effect, a super-sized European battle group comprising 5,000 soldiers, there should be a referendum? Would he accept that if Ireland is to drop the triple lock that there should be a referendum?

People in this country know there is a political establishment. If they look at the record they will understand that it is not yesterday, the day before or a month or two ago that the Government started trying to undermine neutrality. Fianna Fáil promised that there would be a referendum on joining Partnership for Peace, but then in government did not provide a referendum and instead just did it. Fine Gael MEPs voted to increase European military spending from 0.3% to 2% across the EU. Look at what has gone on in Shannon Airport. People do not trust the Government. The only commitment they want from the Government is that we have a referendum.

Whose side is Deputy Murphy on in this? This Government knows where we stand at the moment. Any policy that the Government is involved in implementing involving our Defence Forces or any other aspect of our public services will of course be consistent with our Constitution, the principles in our Constitution and the policies of this and previous Governments. In any debate that takes place in the future regarding our neutrality, if such a debate is to begin of course the people will be consulted. I again put it to Deputy Murphy that the very policies we are implementing to make a difference to those who are in the greatest need at the moment and the very aspects of the European Union co-operation that we are using are policies the Deputy has been against for his entire career. The Deputy cannot have it both ways.

Will the Government give the people a referendum before joining the rapid reaction force?

The Deputy cannot come into this House and attempt to lecture us about us not being clear about where we stand when he has been against the very elements of European Union foreign policy that are now being used to support those most in need.