Rishi Sunak enters No. 10 Downing Street at a time of real strain between our two islands. That strain is caused by the Tory Government's orchestrated undermining of the Good Friday Agreement and its persistent attacks on the protocol. This self-serving agenda has seeped into the stability of Government and power-sharing in the North. The Tories facilitated the DUP in using the protocol as pretext for its boycott of the political institutions following last May's election. The appointment of a new British Prime Minister can bring an opportunity for a real step change in how Britain engages with Ireland and with our European partners. This can be a chance for a fresh start. The question is whether it will be.

We need to see relationships based on good faith and a genuine desire for real progress. For our part, we have contacted Downing Street seeking a meeting with Mr. Sunak as soon as possible. The new Prime Minister must put a focus and energy into ensuring the implementation of the protocol, the ironing out of outstanding issues and getting the Executive in the North back up and running. The protocol is widely supported. It is working. Of course, if can work better and we want to see that happen sooner rather than later. Time is of the essence. The six-month deadline to form an Administration expires on Friday. Sinn Féin stands ready to form an Executive for all and ready to work with others to shape a better future. It is with this objective in mind that the assembly will sit tomorrow.

Our message to the DUP is clear. It must end its boycott, join with us and work with us together in an Executive to tackle the cost of living, fix the health service and make people's lives better. Caithfidh aontachtas a thuiscint nach ionann blocáil an fheidhmeannaigh i mBéal Feirste agus riail dhíreach ó Londain. Is é an t-aon rogha eile ná socrú údaráis idir Stát na hÉireann agus stát na Breataine. Political unionism must understand that wrecking the institutions of Government will not usher in direct rule from London. If the restoration of the Executive in Belfast is blocked indefinitely by the DUP, the only alternative will be an arrangement of joint authority between the Irish State and the British state. This is in line with the position taken in 2006 by the Irish and British Governments when facing a deadlock situation. Fractured relationships serve nobody. We need partnership and a commitment to make politics work in the interests of the people.

I know the Taoiseach will speak with the new British Prime Minister this evening. I very much hope the Dáil can maintain a unified stance on the important matters ahead. I have no doubt he will make clear to Mr. Sunak that the British Government is a co-guarantor of the Good Friday Agreement and must play a constructive role in implementing the protocol through a negotiated settlement. No doubt the Taoiseach will make clear that the North's democratic institutions must be restored as a matter of priority and, in the event they are not, that direct rule from London is off the table. Have those in the Irish Government engaged with their British counterparts to prepare for joint authority arrangements should the formation of an Executive continue to be blocked? Can the Taoiseach tell us what stage those preparations are at?

Ar dtús báire, déanaim comhghairdeas le Príomh-Aire nua na Breataine, Rishi Sunak, as é a bheith tofa mar phríomh-aire. Guím gach rath air agus é ag obair ar son mhuintir na Breataine. Beidh mé ag caint leis níos déanaí, mar a luaigh an Teachta, agus inseoidh mé dó go bhfuil géarghá ann anois le tús a chur le cainteanna substaintiúla idir an tAontas Eorpach agus Rialtas na Breataine agus, mar aon leis sin, go bhfuil géarghá anois le hinstitiúidí an Tuaiscirt a thabhairt ar ais chomh luath agus is féidir - láithreach i ndáiríre.

First of all, I congratulate the new British Prime Minister, Rishi Sunak, on his election. I look forward to having the opportunity to engage with him later today. What has sustained this House over the last difficult period since Brexit happened has been the unity of purpose in Ireland's fundamental aims and objectives. We were never supporters of Brexit, but we respect the decision of the British people to leave the European Union. The issues that have arisen from that decision have clearly not been resolved, namely, the relationship between Britain and the European Union, the British-Irish relationship and, more specifically, the continuation of the trading relationship between Europe and Britain and how that impacts on Northern Ireland. The protocol was designed to deal with that trading relationship. From my engagement with industry and businesses in Northern Ireland, particularly in manufacturing and the food industry, they have said the protocol has been very beneficial. In fact, the food industry has said the legislation that is going through the House of Lords at the moment would be injurious to it, given the dual regulatory framework of that legislation. It would disrupt the integrity of the food chain from beginning to the end, onto the market, and could have very serious consequences for the food industry. I said that to the previous Primer Minister, Liz Truss, who, to be fair, did indicate to me a resolve to get these issues decided between Europe and Britain through negotiation. I hope the new Prime Minister will equally believe in that idea that negotiation is the preferred option in resolving the issues around the protocol. Europe stands ready. I have had regular engagement with President von der Leyen and with Vice President Šefčovič. I am in no doubt that Europe stands ready to be flexible in all matters pertaining to the protocol, and in the context of the geopolitical difficulties that we are facing across Europe, with the first war on the Continent of Europe since the Second World War, the need for like-minded countries, such as the United Kingdom, the European Union, the United States, Canada, Japan and so forth, to be together in dealing with that issue. That really puts the issue of the protocol, and the necessity to get it resolved, into context.

I have made it clear to the DUP that the party should come back into the assembly and facilitate the restoration of the assembly and the Executive. It is a denial of democracy not to do so. I have been very consistent, since the election, that the results of the election should be vindicated. The people have voted and the results should be reflected in the composition of the Executive, the positions of First Minister and deputy First Minister, and the operation of the assembly. I have held that position for a long time. In previous periods when the Executive was taken down or stopped meeting for various reasons, I called it out then just as I call it out now. When people elect their representatives, they expect their parliament to be elected. On what happens in the event of no restoration, the British-Irish Intergovernmental Conference kicks in. The Good Friday Agreement provides for meetings of that group, with close consultation with the Irish Government in matters pertaining to Northern Ireland. I will come back in on the supplementary.

I have absolutely no doubt Europe is ready and, indeed, has been ready and has shown remarkable flexibility in dealing with the issues of concern around the protocol. Just to reiterate, the protocol is widely supported and it is working, as the Taoiseach has attested to and has witnessed from his conversations with various sectors north of the Border. I, too, hope we get to a position where we have a functioning Executive, a First Minister for all and a functioning assembly. That is where this needs to land. However, it is essential everybody understands that the alternative to that is not a return to direct rule from London. We need to be very upfront and frank with our unionist colleagues in that regard. Will the Taoiseach elaborate, in the minute he has available, on the British-Irish Intergovernmental Conference, that partnership relationship, and how he envisages that functioning in the event there is a failure on the part of political unionism to help us re-establish the Executive and to have a functioning assembly?

First of all, we want the institutions restored, and I make that plea to the DUP. The Good Friday Agreement provides for meetings of the British-Irish Intergovernmental Conference to promote bilateral co-operation on matters of mutual interest and to consider non-devolved Northern Ireland matters. It makes provision for the Irish Government to put forward views and proposals, recognising the Irish Government's special interest in Northern Ireland. That is in recognition of that special interest we have. In the event there is a sustained period with no functioning of the Northern Ireland Executive or the assembly, there cannot be a return to the direct rule arrangements of the past. The Government will fully pursue its consultative role under the Good Friday Agreement. That is the position, and we will exhaust every possibility within that framework if there is a sustained period of absence of the Executive or the assembly.