I thank the Leas-Cheann Comhairle for her intervention. We are less than 12 hours away from the looming deadline in Northern Ireland where it appears that yet another election will be called. The people of Northern Ireland have been left without a functioning Executive for six months as we approach a deepened winter cost-of-living crisis and as we see significant issues around governance and day-to-day administration that need to be resolved but cannot be resolved without a functioning Administration in the North. There was a deeply worrying report today of Ukrainian refugees being targeted by gangs in the North who are exploiting the political stalemate and the Border to bring refugees into human trafficking and the brutal exploitation of the sex trade, while there is a £90 million funding shortage for the PSNI that needs to be resolved to ensure this can be policed. As we speak, Members of the Northern Ireland Assembly are gathering in Stormont to try to elect a Speaker and get on with the job of governing, but it appears that nothing will change the current position of the DUP, which will maintain its veto, and so it seems the stark reality is that the British Government will call an election at five minutes past midnight. As Claire Hanna MP from our sister party, the SDLP, said this morning on RTÉ, an election called in this way and under such duress is unlikely to change much and may even entrench stalemate and delay any return to normal negotiations between the EU 27 and the British Government on seeking to resolve issues with the protocol. If no Executive is formed, we know there will not be a return to the direct rule of the past, so how will democratic institutions be restored?

The assembly has not had a functioning Executive for four out of the past six years due to intransigence on the part of different parties, so it must be time to look at reform. Since the changes resulting from the St. Andrews Agreement, the largest party in either designated community can in effect use a veto against the formation of a power-sharing Executive. The use of that veto has entrenched division, hollowed out the centre ground parties and resulted in more voters opting for unaligned alternatives, as we saw in the most recent Stormont election, yet the current structures take no account of the rise of support for parties that do not designate as either unionist or nationalist. It is deeply damaging to efforts to normalise politics in the North when either of the two largest parties can veto power-sharing. It appears the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland and the British Government do not have a plan B for what will happen after the likely election in mid-December in the North. We will be no closer to an Executive. The election is unlikely to change the position of the DUP. We are approaching the 25th anniversary of the Good Friday Agreement with the principles at the heart of it that are so crucial on consent and partnership, and yet there is no functioning Executive.

Is it time to consider reforms that would allow those parties that are willing and ready to form an Executive to carry on with their work? Is there a plan B for the Irish Government to ensure that, after a likely election is held, we can see necessary reforms put in place in keeping with the spirit of the Good Friday Agreement to ensure a functioning Administration in the North?

As the Deputy knows, today is the last day to establish an Executive in Northern Ireland and to give effect to the outcome of last May's assembly election. If the Executive is not formed, the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland is required by law to call an election. However, we believe Northern Ireland does not need a new election. It had an election 24 weeks ago and the results were clear and should be honoured.

What Northern Ireland needs is a functioning assembly and a functioning Executive to give effect to that choice and provide leadership during the difficult period ahead, so every effort should be made to avoid an unwanted election. There is a last chance to do so and all that is required is for one political party to stop blocking the formation of the Executive. The decision of one party to block the operation of the Northern Ireland Executive runs counter to democracy and risks undermining the faith of the people in the potential for democratic politics to respond to their needs.

In the event that there is a sustained period without functioning institutions of the Good Friday Agreement, as the Taoiseach said yesterday, there cannot be a return to the direct rule arrangements of the past. The Good Friday Agreement recognises the need for close consultation between the Irish and British Governments on matters pertaining to Northern Ireland. The Irish Government will fully pursue its consultative role under the Good Friday Agreement should this arise and will exhaust every possibility within the framework of an agreement if there is a sustained period of no Executive and no assembly.

I thank the Tánaiste for his reply. He stated clearly the Government position that there is no need for a new election. I agree entirely. All of us in this House would agree. The last Stormont election was just 24 weeks ago. Clearly, there are very pressing issues affecting the people in Northern Ireland every day, particularly with the cost-of-living crisis, and they need a functioning Executive and a functioning assembly to resolve those issues. Given we are facing a last chance today to resolve the matter without the calling of another election by the British Government, I am asking what our Government's plan B is. If an election is announced at five minutes past midnight, as seems likely despite everyone's wishes here, it is unlikely to change the dynamics in the North. Is it not now time to look again at how we can reform the governance arrangements in the North in keeping with the principles of the Good Friday Agreement to ensure there will be functioning democratic institutions in the North and the will of the people as expressed through assembly elections can be carried out through functioning democratic institutions? I am suggesting to the Tánaiste that no party should be excluded from power-sharing in that scenario, that every party should be given the option to take part, and that it is undemocratic to allow one party to take a unilateral decision to veto power-sharing and hold all others in Northern Ireland to ransom.

Our plan is to engage as part of the European Union with the British Government to seek an agreement on the protocol, not just on the issues relating to trade but also to ensure issues relating to human rights and the non-diminution of the rights of people in Northern Ireland are fully protected. This is something we are very keen to do with Prime Minister Sunak and his Cabinet. If the election is called and goes ahead, we will have to take stock of the result. I doubt it will be very different or different at all but it may be. Who knows? At that point, we will engage with the British Government bilaterally to see what we can do to get an Executive formed or, if that cannot happen, what alternatives we can put in place. We are making it very clear there cannot be a return to the direct rule of the past.

What the Deputy is touching on are some very reasonable questions but what she is talking about essentially is changes to key provisions of the Good Friday Agreement. The Good Friday Agreement was passed by a referendum here and north of the Border and making any changes to it would be profound and would have to be dealt with sensitively.