Gaza and Ireland’s response
Deputy Catherine Connolly pressed the Taoiseach on the situation in Gaza, urging stronger Irish leadership, suspension of the EU-Israel agreement, and clearer action internationally. The Taoiseach condemned the violence, called for a ceasefire, confirmed he had written with the Spanish Prime Minister to the European Commission, and rejected the claim that Israel’s actions are being done in Ireland’s name.
Is mian liom filleadh ar mhuintir na Palaistíne agus an cinedhíothú atá ar siúl ag Rialtas Iosrael faoi láthair. I ndáiríre, is sléacht gan trua gan taise atá ar siúl. Inné, bhain an Taoiseach úsáid as focail láidre, cáinteacha maidir le hIosrael agus cuirim fáilte roimh na focail sin. Ar ndóigh, dúirt an tAire, an Teachta Coveney, gur stáit bradach é Iosrael agus cuirim fáilte roimhe sin freisin. Tá rud eile ag teastáil go géar áfach, agus is é sin leadership. Is é sin an rud atá ag teastáil go géar anois agus bearta le dul leis na focail láidre, cáinteacha sin.
I return to the issue of Palestine. I welcome the strong words the Taoiseach used yesterday. He talked about go bhfuil Rialtas Iosrael dallta le mire agus roimhe sin dallta ag díoltas - blinded with rage and blinded with revenge. I have a different opinion on that. I think they have a full and comprehensive plan. I welcome the Taoiseach's strong words, however, and I welcome the words of the Minister, Deputy Coveney, that we are dealing with a rogue state. What we need now are actions. What are we going to do now as an independent sovereign State and a Republic? We stood idly by when the Amnesty report was published in February 2022. We were uncomfortable with the word "apartheid", were we not, and did not like to use it, so we ignored the Amnesty report. We did not join in with South Africa when it took its case to the International Criminal Court. We stood by when six Palestinian organisations that carry out vital work on the ground were designated as terrorist groups. In the past four months, we have stood idly by while genocide is perpetuated in our name. We have stood by while UNRWA has been demonised, although I welcome the decision not to withdraw funding. We have stood idly by as Israeli settlements have increased in the occupied territories. We have overwhelming evidence from the ground up and trusted organisation as to what is happening in our name. Action Aid, which is the latest organisation to contact us, tells us that Israel has created an unbelievable hellscape in Gaza and people are starving and so on. It is all there. I am sure the Taoiseach has received that letter.
I am asking for leadership. First, the EU-Israel agreement has to be stopped. We have a mechanism for doing that and I need to hear the Taoiseach will lead on that. We need to stand with South Africa. We need to stand with Amnesty International, which has clearly stated that Israel operates an apartheid regime. We need to recognise the state of Palestine. If not now, when? We need the Taoiseach to make clear to President Biden what he has said in the Dáil, that is, that Israel is a rogue state and America must stop sending arms to Israel. We need to stand up and be counted. How many more deaths will we read out here as if they are simply numbers? On occasions, the Taoiseach has said very strong things. I agree with those, but he has not made his words mean something.
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Gabhaim buíochas leis an Teachta as a cuid ceisteanna. Caithfidh sos cogaidh a bheith ann anois. Tá an iomarca daoine básaithe agus gortaithe sa Phalaistín. This morning, the Spanish Prime Minister, Pedro Sánchez, and I wrote formally to the President of the European Commission, Ursula Von Der Leyen, expressing once again our deep concern at the deteriorating situation in Gaza and calling for an urgent assessment of whether Israel is in breach of the human rights obligations under the EU-Israel association agreement. The letter states that the expanded Israeli military operation in Rafah poses a grave and imminent threat that the international community must confront urgently. If the Commission concludes that Israel is in breach of its obligations under the agreement, then the Commission should propose a response, although suspension may well require unanimity of member states.
I will set out briefly seven concrete actions the Government has taken in respect of this crisis in the Middle East. First, we were one of the first Governments in the world to call for a ceasefire. Second, we have increased our aid to the UN and UNRWA when other countries have suspended it because of allegations that some of the staff were involved in the 7 October massacre. Third, we have used our voice at the EU and the UN in support of the rights of Palestinian people. Fourth, we have sought that there be sanctions against violent settlers in the West Bank at EU level, and if we cannot get agreement with that at EU level, we will go ahead and do it with other like-minded EU member states. We have intervened in the International Criminal Court case on Israel's occupation of the Palestinian territories and the Attorney General will travel personally to The Hague to make our case on 22 February. We have joined with Spain today in calling for the suspension of the EU-Israel association agreement and we are in discussions with other EU member states about recognising the state of Palestine.
I want to be clear and honest with the Deputy, however, and with all Members of the House and the Irish people. None of these actions, in themselves, will bring about an end to this war. No war has ever been ended by a court order, the expulsion of an ambassador or the suspension of an agreement. To think so, frankly, is just make-believe. There are only three ways in which a war ends: military victory by one side over the other; a stalemate - a ceasefire like they have had in Korea for 75 years; or a political solution. Our focus is on the political solution and trying to work with our partners and allies, and even countries that are not our partners and allies, in the Arab world, the EU, across America and, indeed, in the global south, to bring about a ceasefire. That is what is needed - an immediate ceasefire so the killing can stop, aid can get in and hostages can be released, as they should be released, moving towards a permanent ceasefire and then a permanent political solution, which is the establishment of two states side by side, living in peace with each other.
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I welcome the fact that the Taoiseach has called for the suspension of the agreement. That is progress. There are many things we could have done up to now but we did not; we stood idly by. We are out of keeping with people on the ground in Ireland, who are crying out for leadership and saying, "Please do not do this in my name". I would like to have raised the issue of the hospital in Galway today, but I know the people of Galway will forgive me because they have expressed over and over that what is happening in our name in Palestine by the Israeli army and the government is simply intolerable.
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That is not happening in our name.
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It is intolerable that Netanyahu thinks he can get away with a ground invasion and we have President Biden saying, "Do not do that unless you have a plan." Those are not strong words. That is something the Taoiseach needs to make crystal clear to President Biden when he goes to America. I did not call for the withdrawal of the Israeli ambassador. I am finding it very difficult to stick with that decision because the ambassador has had free rein to propagate utter propaganda on our airwaves, with no balanced opposition, repeating that Israel is a democracy as if that gives it an entitlement to slaughter and carry out genocide. That is what we are listening to on the airwaves. I am now reviewing my decision in relation to that. At the very least, that woman and that ambassador should be called in here before the Dáil and made to account for the words she is using. That is what diplomacy is about at this point when we are looking at genocide.
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I really hope we do not make this conflict or these terrible events that are happening in the Middle East to be in any way about us. It is not about us or the differences between the different parties here or between the Government and the Opposition. It is about the civilian population in Israel and the civilian population in the Palestinian territories. I disagree with the Deputy on two counts, even though we agree on most things. First, absolutely nothing Israel is doing at the moment is being done in our name. She has suggested that twice or three times. Absolutely nothing the state of Israel is doing is being done in our name. I want to make that very clear as the Head of Government and on behalf of the Government, at least. Second, I do not accept that we are standing idly by. In my initial response, I set out seven concrete actions we have taken already. When I meet representatives of Palestinians or the Palestinian Authority or leaders of other Arab countries, they thank us for the stance we are taking. We are seen as a country that is showing leadership on this issue, but we have to do it in a way that makes sense, is smart and allows us to continue to try to bring countries with us. At the first meeting of the European Council after this conflict started, we were in a minority in calling for a ceasefire. We are now in the clear majority and we have to ensure we are able to bring people with us - not people who already agree with us, but people who do not yet but might into the future.