Tá sé iontach contúirteach agus gearr-radharcach deireadh a chur leis an nglas triarach, an triple lock. Is é seo an chéad chéim ag Fianna Fáil agus ag Fine Gael chun deireadh a chur le neodracht mhíleata na tíre seo. Beartas fadbhunaithe agus rathúil le blianta fada don tír seo é agus ní hé seo an t-am le dul leis an slua agus leis an slua a leanúint. Is é seo an t-am le fanacht lenár bprionsabail.

This morning, the Government took the first dangerous steps in dismantling the triple lock. The proposal brought to Cabinet by the Tánaiste, Simon Harris, paves the way for the deployment of Irish troops overseas without the mandate of the United Nations. This move represents a thin edge of the wedge in abandoning Ireland's long-standing policy of neutrality. It opens the door for future governments having absolute discretion to deploy Irish troops to all kinds of missions, whether major international conflicts, legally questionable peacekeeping missions or dangerous misadventures.

It comes on the same day that the President of the European Commission, Ursula von der Leyen, announced a dramatic ramping-up in the militarisation of Europe to spend a colossal €800 billion on re-arming the European Union. The powers that be in the EU are cynically using the suffering and plight of the Ukrainian people to advance this dangerous agenda. It completely smashes the EU fiscal rules. These rules cannot be broken for spending for the social good, housing, healthcare or responding to our climate crisis, but they can be completely thrown out the window when it comes to spending on weapons. That says it all.

It is against this backdrop that the Taoiseach moves to unravel the triple lock. He has attempted to frame this move as a response to today's changing world but this has been on the cards for a very long time. Dismantling Ireland's neutrality has been the aim of the Taoiseach's partners in government for nearly 25 years. In 2003, Enda Kenny stated, "Like it or not, Ireland is no longer neutral and this is crunch time." That was when Fine Gael was launching its document, Beyond Neutrality. It called for a move away from neutrality. Today, Fine Gael calls the tune and now Fianna Fáil dances along.

Irish neutrality is based on a clear-sighted analysis of what role Ireland can best serve in the world. Removing the triple lock undermines the strong diplomatic influence Ireland has established over many generations. It is a standing achieved not through military might or military alliance, but by way of a respected tradition of military neutrality and on the insistence of international law.

Neutrality is the foundation upon which Ireland champions engagement, diplomacy, the primacy of human rights and the prevention and resolution of conflict through dialogue. Generations of Irish peacekeepers have built a proud reputation for their contribution to peacekeeping missions while wearing the blue helmet of the UN. The Irish people see the importance of our neutrality. They value it, they cherish it, and rightly so. It has stood us in good stead. If we needed confirmation, polls this weekend confirmed that neutrality commands the overwhelming support of the Irish people. There is absolutely no public appetite for a change in policy, yet the Government proposes to dismantle the triple lock, which is a key protection for neutrality. It cannot upend decades of successful Irish foreign policy without consulting the Irish people. If the Taoiseach is so confident in his position of dismantling the triple lock and Irish neutrality, why not put it to the people? Let us ask the people in a referendum whether they cherish neutrality. Let the people decide.

Hear, hear.

Ní aontaím in aon chor leis an Teachta. Go háirithe, níl aon bhaint ag an gcinneadh seo atá tógtha ag an Rialtas lenár bpolasaithe i dtaobh ár neodracht mhíleata. Níl aon bhaint aige leis in aon chor. Tá sé in am dúinn an triple lock a chur ar leataobh agus as seo amach, nuair a bheidh an reachtaíocht imithe tríd an Dáil, beimid i gceannas maidir leis an gcinneadh atá á dhéanamh againn ó thaobh ár saighdiúirí.

I thank the Deputy for raising this important issue. He will be aware that in my previous capacity as Minister for Foreign Affairs and for Defence, I brought a memo to the Government in April last year indicating and identifying the need for legislation, and instructing my officials to draft such legislation, to replace the triple lock. He will also recall that I established a very effective national consultative forum on international security policy and foreign policy, which his party opposed. I could never comprehend why it was so opposed to a basic debate on fairly fundamental issues. What emerged from the consultative forum is that the triple lock had nothing to do with the perception of Ireland on the international stage as being an honest broker and a country that looks at issues through the lens of international humanitarian law, which we do. Generally, all the contributors, and they were diverse, made the point that Ireland has been very active on the global situation, uses the multilateral institutions very effectively and also that we are generous in terms of our work through Irish Aid and through development policy, particularly in sub-Saharan Africa and other locations. Generally speaking, it has been an active conduct of foreign policy that has earned Ireland strong credentials. We need to get rid of some of the mythology surrounding all of this that sometimes gets articulated by the Deputy's party and others.

In respect of the triple lock, it is very clear to us that in an exercise of sovereignty, it should be the Oireachtas that decides primarily the peacekeeping missions that we send our military to, not Russia or any other member of the Security Council. Russia should not have a veto. China should not have a veto. The US should not have a veto over where we send our soldiers in the pursuit of peace. It is as simple as that. When we were on the Security Council some years back, there were many challenges in terms, for example, of our attempts to keep humanitarian corridors open. In terms of north-west Syria and the humanitarian corridor to Tigray in Ethiopia, Ireland fought very hard to keep those corridors open. When we sought a resolution linking climate and security, for example, at the Security Council, we made enormous progress in endeavouring to get such a resolution passed. Guess what? It was vetoed at the end of the day by Russia.

This is about us exercising our own sovereignty in respect of participation in peacekeeping missions. The geopolitical situation has changed very dramatically. We have no intention to abandon our policy of military non-alignment. We are not a member of NATO. We are militarily neutral. We have never been politically neutral. Deputy Doherty may have been but the State has never been politically neutral.

We are a member of the European Union. We have been part of common security and defence in the European Union from the very beginning; we never opted out.

In respect of President von der Leyen's contribution today, it is important to read it. There is a fundamental and profound challenge facing Europe now. We cannot put our heads in the sand and ignore that reality, and it will need increased military expenditure. There is no question but it will, across Europe and, indeed, here.

At least Fine Gael is honest about its intentions. It has been for over 20 years. When it produced its document, Beyond Neutrality, in its effort to dismantle neutrality, the Taoiseach described it as an out-of-touch ideological obsession. Fine Gael, in that policy document, described the Taoiseach and Fianna Fáil's approach as the nod-and-wink approach of signing up to initiatives and telling the Irish people that it is something else.

The Taoiseach has adopted the Fine Gael approach and it has adopted his. It is a nod-and-wink approach of trying to dupe the Irish people that this is not about neutrality, it is about vetoes, while at the same time pursuing the Taoiseach's obsession of getting rid of neutrality. That is the reality of it. This is the first step, and let us be clear about it.

The Taoiseach should be honest with the Irish people. He should be clear about what this is all about and he should do the honourable thing. If he genuinely believes that he is acting in the interests of the Irish people, he should let the Irish people have their say. Let us have a referendum on Irish neutrality. Let us have the debate and let the people decide whether they cherish neutrality or whether they trust Fianna Fáil or Fine Gael with these decisions.

I have heard the Deputy suggest from time to time that we have a referendum to insert into the Constitution a clause dealing with neutrality. Sinn Féin has never published any suggested wording, any suggested definition-----

Yes, we have.

That is not true.

Yes, we have.

-----in respect of the type-----

We had legislation in this House several times by-----

The Taoiseach would not allow a free vote.

I did not interrupt the Deputy. With respect-----

You are spoofing again.

I did not interrupt the Deputy.

I am not interrupting you; I am correcting the record of the Dáil.

Here we go again.

Please.

The wording has been debated in here.

Let the Taoiseach answer.

There is a reason I am putting the-----

You voted against it.

There is a reason I am putting the question.

That is how much of a spoofer you are. You voted against it.

Please let the Taoiseach answer. The Deputy has made his point.

I do not think there is any need to answer anymore.