Later this evening, the US President is expected to announce widespread tariffs on imports into the United States. While the severity and scope of these tariffs are yet unknown, it is clear that what is about to happen will present a significant economic challenge to Ireland. The hard reality is that our economy is particularly exposed. The United States is Ireland's largest export market, and there are real concerns about the impact on our pharmaceutical and tech sectors.

As the European Union formulates its response, the chief responsibility of the Government is to stand up for Ireland's interests and to protect Irish jobs, Irish industry and the prosperity of our people to ensure that any action taken does not exacerbate potential damage. It is crucial, therefore, that there is no knee-jerk reaction from the EU. Counter-tariffs are not in Ireland's interests. The ESRI has been clear that the Trump tariffs will be damaging and that automatic counter-tariffs from the EU would make things worse for Ireland. If we agree that Donald Trump's approach is reckless, we cannot mimic that approach and follow him down the road of damaging tariffs. The only value of EU counter-tariffs would be if they could de-escalate the situation and if we could be sure that they would force Donald Trump to withdraw his tariffs and avoid a trade war. We need a very sober assessment of counter-tariffs before they are considered or employed. This is a time for cool heads, a clear eye on what is important and a focus on the things we can control.

Successive Governments have not put the basics in place to attract FDI without complex tax incentives. They have failed to invest in the areas key to building Ireland's long-term competitiveness and attractiveness. The scenario we now face shows that this must change. We need ambitious investment in housing, our childcare system, infrastructure, research and development, and energy security. The threat of US tariffs cannot be used by the Government as another alibi for not dealing with these issues head-on.

There is also a need to recognise the threat tariffs pose to all-Ireland trade. The Government has contacted counterparts in the North's Executive. It is important that these engagements are at the highest level and focus on protecting the all-Ireland economy. I am also of the view that a meeting should take place between the leaders of the parties here in the Oireachtas and that the Taoiseach should facilitate this. It is disappointing that he refused to agree to a Dáil debate this week on the threat of US tariffs. The reality is that there will be no winners in any trade war. It is also true, however, that ordinary working people pay the heaviest price. Workers and families in Ireland are already struggling with the cost of living. The Government must ensure that they are not forced to pick up the tab again.

Bagairt shuntasach ar phostanna agus ar ár ngeilleagar atá i mbagairt na dtaraifí ó na Stáit Aontaithe. Dhéanfadh taraifí mar fhreagra ón Aontas Eorpach rudaí níos measa. Stuaim a theastaíonn uainn agus géarthuiscint ón Rialtas faoi leasa na hÉireann a chosaint. The challenge of US tariffs and a potential trade war is real and present. What is the Government's strategy to ensure that Irish jobs and Ireland's economy are protected? How will it ensure that the EU's response does not compound any potential damage to Ireland?

I thank the Deputy for raising the issue. This is without question the most serious issue to face the Irish economy in a long time. It is clear that the scale of these tariffs will be significant in European terms. Ireland does not believe in tariffs. The European Union does not believe in tariffs and does not want tariffs. The European Union has not started this; Ireland has not started this. Ours is a small open economy and, in my view, the economic model we have followed over 50 or 60 years has brought about significant progress and modernity for and led to investment in Ireland and has facilitated the growth of indigenous Irish companies that have interacted with the multinationals in a very effective way.

The bottom line, however, is that, ultimately, to get this into a sustainable landing zone for the future, negotiations are key. The Deputy outlined that part of the approach in designing any countermeasures from the European Union will be the negotiating table. Can we get this to a negotiating table where we could arrive at a reasonable, settled pattern? It will not be the status quo ante. As I said yesterday, the old order is changing. That is regrettable. We are in an era of increased protectionism. That is not good for Ireland or for open economies. We have obviously engaged with the European Union in respect of, first of all, having a cool and calm response and not an immediate response. It is also important that in the design of countermeasures, Europe be strategic and that such measures do not bring more harm on ourselves, on Europeans, as opposed to anybody else. In other words, where we have clear surpluses, it makes sense that we do not invite a doubling of tariffs or further tariffs.

That said, this is a very serious imposition on Europe. There will be some response. There are 27 member states. There are different balances across the EU. The car industry will potentially be very severely hit. Some countries will suffer greatly on that score. Our focus is on agrifood - which is a big concern for Ireland - beverages, spirits, food and dairy products and pharma.

Working within the European Union, we have to make sure that other sectors are not damaged by any potential countermeasures. The Government's strategy is to optimise the protection of Irish jobs. That is the fundamental objective. One of the most fundamental reasons people to continue to invest in Ireland is our membership of the European Union and the Single Market. American companies are global companies. If they are cut off from European markets, they will diminish. They will tell you they cannot survive without a global footprint. Our membership of that European market allows for the free mobility of European citizens. When companies come to Ireland, they can avail of skill sets from across the European Union. The composition of the workforces in Apple, Google or any of the pharmaceutical companies will bear witness to that. We have moved beyond tax as the key incentive in bringing jobs to Ireland. It is now much more than that. Our investment in research and development over the last three decades has been very significant. There was a step change in that area that brought many jobs to Ireland. These jobs would not have come to Ireland if we had not made those investments in research and development in the late 1990s. Is é an rud is tábhachtaí ná go gcaithfimid a bheith socair agus gach aon iarracht a dhéanamh chun jabanna a chaomhnú. Le cúnamh Dé, beidh cainteanna ar siúl idir na Stáit Aontaithe agus an Eoraip. Is é sin an tslí chun é seo a réiteach i gceart.

The seriousness of the situation is not in question nor is the need for collective action. I ask for a response to my suggestion that the Taoiseach convene a meeting of all party leaders across this House. That needs to happen as a matter of urgency. It is helpful to recall that Ireland is and will remain a very attractive location for investment. The Taoiseach has acknowledged that the era of tax deals, some of which were questionable and controversial, is now behind us, not least because of the evolution of the global taxation system. I will repeat that a focus on infrastructure, skills, research and development and basic public services, including childcare services, and the absolute imperative to provide working people with a roof over their heads are now front and centre. I will repeat my request and ask the Taoiseach to respond. I ask him not to allow Trump's tariff play to become an alibi for not grasping those infrastructural challenges and for not meeting them head-on.

A meeting of party leaders will be convened. It would make more sense to wait until we see the announcement on the imposition of tariffs from the US side and the initial response from the EU. We have no issue with a Dáil debate. Next Tuesday would be a more optimal time because we will not have the full information as to what could potentially happen this afternoon or tomorrow. If people want a Dáil debate tomorrow evening, we can facilitate that but I believe we need as much information as we can get. There are no specific tax deals with companies. The Deputy is mistaken there. There are no tax deals. We have a general corporation tax rate, which we have had consistently. We have research and development tax credits that are general and uniformly applied. It is important that we make that point and assert it because-----

I was referring to Apple.

-----Ireland's detractors seek to undermine us in making those assertions.

It was the Commission's ruling.

We have always objected to and fought against that idea and notion. We have increased investment in infrastructure exponentially. We have invested in research and development and will continue to do so. The results have been there to see over the last five years. A lot of foreign direct investment has come into Ireland over recent years for a broad range of reasons.