Will the Leader invite the Minister for Business, Enterprise and Innovation to discuss the small and medium enterprise, SME, report, which he actively supported and to which he previously committed? A great deal of work has been done to produce the report and it is significant. I appreciate the Seanad Public Consultation Committee's support in activating the report, which involved approximately two years' work. Since the publication of the report, I have met people from a number of Departments, chambers of commerce, IBEC, the Irish Small and Medium Employers, the Small Firms Association and other organisations, all of which have a strong interest in the report. I have had between 20 and 30 meetings with the industry, which is keen for us to progress with it. I would value the Leader's support in that regard. If he could arrange for the Minister to come to the House as soon as possible, it would be much appreciated. All members of the committee, including our Chairman, Senator Coghlan, would very much welcome it happening as soon as possible. The report was published in May and is approximately five months old.

Approximately 90% of all the passengers at Irish airports use Dublin Airport. Shannon, Cork and the other regional airports are suffering significantly, although that is not Dublin Airport's fault, given that people want to fly into and out of there. We need to create a regional strategy for places such as Cork, Shannon, Waterford and, in particular, Knock to develop a co-ordinated approach. A definite Government policy is needed to create the opportunity. Passenger numbers at Shannon Airport this year will reduce by approximately 120,000, while I imagine there might also be, unfortunately, a reduction at Knock. The airports are essential to our regions and regional development. I urge everybody, but especially the Leader, to push the matter with the Government. As Senator Ó Ríordáin noted earlier in respect of Brexit, we are all together. Let us work actively to try to make such a strategy happen and to create opportunities for our regional airports.

I strongly support what Senator Ó Céidigh stated. The report is an important body of work, to which we referred previously. I hope the Leader will meet the Senator's request in early course and that the Minister will appear before the House to debate and discuss it further.

On Brexit, we should not get too upset. Everything we are hearing is based on leaks. The papers, non-papers, proposals or whatever they are could be part of an opening or ongoing gambit. We should not concern ourselves too much because it will be a matter for the EU. The British Prime Minister is playing to his own audience, as we well know, and he has his own agenda in Manchester. We all know, and will not forget, that our protection and that of the EU, through the backstop and the Good Friday Agreement, is solid. Let us not play-act or respond too much to what happens over there. The British Prime Minister must realise what he must do at the heel of the hunt. He is probably playing down the clock. He knows he will have to obey the Benn Act and the law of the land over there. He will doubtless have to seek an extension, although whether it will be granted remains to be seen. For our sake, I hope that when he is faced with the prospect, it will be granted. The EU, as much as we, will need the transition period of two years or more to get matters sorted and to have them carry on as they are. We should not jump up and down about what they are doing over there. Let us hold our whisht a while and see what, if anything, emerges concretely.

I express my sympathy to the Leader for the incredible pressure he is under in the House. Senator Conway seeks €1 billion a year, while Senator Leyden wants his savings back. How can the country survive such ceaseless demands on the Exchequer? I do not know where we will go with all that.

We had a debate yesterday on what was the latest Brexit development, but overnight, what is happening has become clearer. Unlike Senator Coghlan, I take the view it is becoming abundantly clear that Downing Street is aiming towards a no-deal exit, that the take it or leave it offer, which the British Prime Minister, Mr. Johnson, will apparently ventilate at his Manchester rally today, is intended to be rejected, that he intends to go to the British people making the untrue point that Europe is being unreasonable and he is being reasonable, and that he intends to leave the EU one way or another by 31 October.

What about the law?

The funny thing is thatThe Guardian today reminds us that under the existing law in the UK, namely, section 10(2) of the exit Act, nothing in various sections of the Act authorises regulations that diminish in any form the North-South co-operation provided for by the Belfast Agreement, or the creation or facilitation of border arrangements between Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland after exit day that feature physical infrastructure, including border posts, or checks and controls, that did not exist before exit day and are not in accordance with an agreement between the UK and the EU.

What about the Benn Act?

There is now a proposal to break the UK's own law or, one presumes, to change it in the utmost bad faith. I accept that the Irish Government must play a careful game of not being seen to be unreasonable and of keeping its language polite, respectful and so on, and that the EU, too, is playing a careful game not to run into the trap of being seen to be aggressive towards the UK and, in particular, the Johnson Administration. I do not believe, however, that the Johnson Administration is being truthful. It is deliberately engaging in misinformation and distortion of the truth, and misleading its own public. I do not believe that it will obey the terms of the Benn Act but that it will instead try to wriggle out of it and create a political crisis by 31 October. It seems to be intent on doing that. Although I fully support the Irish Government in everything it does on the matter - I do not want to take away from that in any way - we have to be realistic now. It is clear what is happening. Bully tactics, and bandit tactics in respect of international policy and the Good Friday Agreement, are being organised by Mr. Cummings and Mr. Johnson. I guarantee the House that if we wait a few weeks, we will find out the extent of the untruth and bullying being put on as a show with a view to garnering support for a November election to seek a majority for the Tory Party, which has never been a friend to Ireland in respect of Northern Ireland.