Before I call Senator Gavan, I welcome the guests of Deputy Lahart to the House. They are very welcome and I hope they have a very pleasant visit to Leinster House today. They are with a very good colleague and a friend. We wish them a very enjoyable visit to Leinster House.

A few weeks ago, an Seanadóir Michael McDowell in his regular column in The Irish Times put a focus on the changing face of politics on this island, in particular, the far-reaching changes that are taking place in the North. Although I disagree with much of what the Seanadóir wrote, I commend him on regularly writing about the North, the debate about constitutional change and, indeed, his preference for a republican Government within the EU rather an island divided between the Republic and the United Kingdom. Perhaps the most profound change that has occurred was the election of Sinn Féin First Minister, Michelle O'Neill. This change is both practical and symbolic: practical, because it embodies the electoral and demographic change that has been taking place in the North over the past ten years and has been accelerated by Brexit from 2016 onwards; and symbolic, because it dramatically demonstrates that there is a new majority and a new minority in the North. The new majority is led by Sinn Féin, the Alliance Party, the SDLP and People Before Profit. The new minority is led by the DUP and the UUP.

The Seanadóir's description of keeping the constitutional debate front and centre as a problem, I believe, misses the whole point of the Good Friday Agreement and its central and peaceful role in bringing about this ongoing evolutionary change. The GFA involves the Irish and British Governments and all of the political parties in the governance of this country, North and South, through the various all-island bodies, the Executive and the Assembly in the North, and the east-west British-Irish bodies. It is this governance and the attendant equality and human rights provisions that brought about the new society in the North and the all-island framework in which that society functions. An Seanadóir McDowell is wrong to imply that the old Northern Ireland was not a failed political entity; it was. The Executive and the Assembly, with all their difficulties, function and are supported by the people of the North precisely because they are part of the GFA's island-wide democratic structure. The Executive and the Assembly are different, as day is to night, compared to the old Northern Ireland. They are so because they are part of the GFA democratic structure.

Furthermore, a central tenet of the Good Friday Agreement is its provision to hold a referendum on future constitutional change. It is this provision that is the basis of the high-profile debate about constitutional change. Public debate is a cornerstone of all democratic societies. The debate about our country's constitutional future involves all shades of nationalist opinion, all shades of unionist and Protestant opinion - we saw that in Andrew Trimble's RTÉ documentary - and those of neither opinion. I contend that we need more debate, not less. I know as I stand here that this debate will continue to grow and will include all those who live here and will have a stake in the future. I call for a further debate on the constitutional future for our country. I feel sure that an Seanadóir McDowell will continue to take part in that debate.

I am pleased to inform Senator Gavan that I had the pleasure of being in Stormont last Thursday where I had a very good meeting with the First Minister and with the Minister, Mr. Andrew Muir MLA. I hope that we, as Seanadóirí, can continue to develop the relationship with our friends and colleagues in the Northern Ireland Executive. I wish the new Administration every success in the North. It is incumbent on both of us that we get it right for the people we all represent.

Today, I want to request that the Leader would ask the Minister for the Environment, Climate and Communications to come to the Chamber for a debate, specifically on the climate action plan targets and the national retrofitting plan. I will pre-empt the Leader's possible answer to me that I should put down a Commencement matter. It is on the back of having such a Commencement matter down last week that I feel the need to raise this here today and for the Minister to come in to address a number of issues. The issue I raised in the Commencement matter last week was in relation to the national retrofitting plan, the SEAI's warmer homes scheme and the wait times, which can be up to 29 months from application to completion and which they acknowledge. The answer I got in the Commencement matter did not give me any hope that it will improve in the near future. On the back of that Commencement matter, I had a lot of correspondence about other issues which people would like discussed with the Minister, in particular, the reduction of the solar grant by €300 and the fact that a lot of people out there believe - I would agree - that there should be a stand-alone grant for doors and windows. Within the list, attic insulation, wall insulation, draught-proofing, lagging jackets, energy-efficient lighting and energy advice are covered but one has to do some other project along with doors and windows.

They are not a stand-alone item. In many of the aged houses in Ireland, we should have a stand-alone grant for just doors and windows which are the most draughty factor in making houses colder than any of the aforementioned.

On the back of that correspondence and the response I got, I believe that this is an important enough issue for the Minister to come to the House so that all Members would have an input in a debate here with him on the aforementioned topics.