I welcome the ambassador and our esteemed guests from Estonia.

In my inauguration speech, I said that I wish to be a Senator for all and that I want to amplify voices in the North. The voices I will talk about today are those of people who have experienced drug deaths and of their families. Yesterday, the Northern Ireland Assembly debated a motion on drug deaths, but it was poor and vacuous and did not address the root cause of the issues or use radical measures to address the issue. When I say "radical" I do not mean extreme, I mean it in the Greek understanding of the word, that is, we need to go to the root causes of these issues. In Northern Ireland, drug deaths have tripled in the past decade. As I have repeatedly said, we are one of the poorest parts of western Europe and despite being legally mandated to have an anti-poverty strategy from 2006, it has never materialised. We are a society in the North that is recovering from conflict and we are traumatised. We have intergenerational trauma because of the conflict. We have never properly reconciled and there is still no agreement about how to address our past or an agreed narrative about most of the past.

Community and voluntary sector organisations are trying their best to alleviate drug deaths and support people struggling with addiction, but political instability, symbolised by the fact that for five of the past seven years and for almost 50% of the time since 1998 and the signing of the Good Friday Agreement we have not had a Government or functioning Executive. That is exacerbated by single-year funding, which means that organisations cannot plan ahead and many good people leave the sector. However, the community and voluntary sector should only be there when the state fails, and the state is failing.

Researchers say that Northern Ireland has the second highest level, after Scotland, of drug deaths among men aged 25 to 40. That is the Good Friday Agreement generation. They are being failed. The motion yesterday, positively, talked about a rehabilitation centre for the North, but it failed to address the other issues, primarily the fact that we do not have an overdose prevention centre in the North. I found it strange that all-island parties can support one in Dublin but cannot support one in Belfast or, cannot use the levers of power, where they have them, to ensure it happens. Glasgow is pushing ahead despite the outdated Misuse of Drugs Act 1971, which is a reserved UK-Westminster matter. Scotland is pushing ahead because its Attorney General said there is no public interest in prosecuting people and, therefore, it is developing a centre.

I look forward to a committee on this issue being established after the Citizens' Assembly on Drugs Use. I look forward to its work, regardless of whether I will be a member. These are issues that could be addressed on an all-island basis in the context of substance use, policing, access to services and support. I hope the Leader of the Seanad will raise this through the Ministers to the North-South Ministerial Council.

A few weeks ago, I hosted an information afternoon in Leinster House on the World Health Organization, WHO, pandemic treaty. Attendees included an international panel of speakers comprising doctors, lawyers and politicians, some of whom have given evidence before the US Congress and Senate regarding the WHO's rule in the last pandemic. This treaty will have a significant impact on future governmental approaches to health emergencies, containing as it does both legally binding and non-binding provisions that dictate the behaviour of governments that are party to it.

I am concerned about sovereignty and the ability of the State to rule itself in this regard. I wish to clarify a point that is not well understood in Ireland, which is that more than 80% of the WHO's funding comes from special interests, not member states' fees. These special interests comprise large pharmaceutical companies and billion dollar philanthropic concerns. These are the entities that really control the WHO and it is extremely important to have this insight when considering the far-reaching proposals scheduled to be voted on by the World Health Assembly between 27 May and 1 June.

Nations will be freed from mandating WHO directives relating to travel on their own citizenry, but will be compelled to do so in the case of visitors from any and all of the other 194 member states. This is how the WHO gets around the sovereignty issue. It is an especially disturbing provision as it involves the potential reintroduction of vaccine passports, but this time as a condition of international travel. I call on the Government to host a robust and proper debate. There is an urgent need for the Covid inquiry to investigate the WHO's role in advising during that pandemic. Finally, I call for a debate on the introduction of vaccine passports and powers of quarantine.

Medical privacy and personal health autonomy are essential in a democracy where citizens are free to make healthcare choices privately. This is another rubber stamp we can be expected to rush through these Houses before the end of May. It is obvious that pharmaceutical money talks in these Houses.

I want to raise a number of issues, primarily in light of the decision that was made by the Taoiseach correctly to issue an apology to the families of the Stardust victims. In that context, one issue I have raised on a number of occasions in this Chamber is the lack of action by the Government and successive Governments with regard to the victims of thalidomide, who have been waiting a much longer time for real recognition by the State of the situation into which they were put.

Now, we have a situation where fewer than 40 survivors remain. More importantly than that, however, their parents, and particularly their mothers who took the drug, have for a long period felt enormous and unjustified, although understandable, guilt. Many of those mothers are now passing away. There is, therefore, a certain urgency to the Government taking action to apologise to those victims of the thalidomide drug. We should remember that at the time, the Irish Government did not withdraw it from the market in a timely fashion, which is why an apology is warranted. It is also a recognition that compensation is due to those people for their medical services because as they age, and they are in their 60s now, obviously, medical complications arise. In the spirit we saw in the Dáil this week, it is also important that we apply the same spirit to victims of inaction by the State with regard to the thalidomide drug.

There is a real myopia within the Department of Health on this issue because there is somehow a feeling that the State should never accept liability with regard to its fault. That is not the right approach to this. In fact, the State will spend more time fighting the legal cases over a prolonged period than it will by simply drawing a line under it and giving those families, mothers and survivors of thalidomide the justice to which they are entitled.

I will start by welcoming the ambassador from Estonia and the Estonian-Irish friendship group. Estonia has been a great friend to Ireland, particularly in advising in areas of cybersecurity. The willingness of the Estonians to host delegations from Ireland is something for which I am personally extremely grateful, as are those I brought to Estonia. It is great to be able to visit a country that is so open and willing to share the learning it has had in the area of cyber.

My colleague, Senator Ward, adverted to the Stardust and he is 100% correct. It was wonderful to hear the Taoiseach yesterday offer a State apology. Is it not time that as a State, we stepped back and looked at all the other things we forced people to fight this country for to get justice? Whiddy Island is one that comes to mind. Some 50 people lost their lives on Whiddy Island and there are still questions unanswered. There are still two unidentified bodies from Whiddy Island that have not been looked after. Again, I go back to the Defence Forces and Jadotville. People will say there was an independent review of Jadotville. We dispute the fact that it was independent. It did not have an independent chair from outside the jurisdiction. We need to go back. Why do we force our citizens to fight this country until they are on their deathbeds? Many of us in this room will be aware of people who fought the whole way through. Indeed, they negotiated with one particular cancer victim on her deathbed two days before she died. What sort of heartless people have we got in the State Claims Agency who would force people to fight to their last breath? Is there hope that we will all bloody well die before we get a resolution?

At the end of the day, this State owes a duty of care to its citizens. Senator Ward was correct when he pointed out that in the case of thalidomide, we have 40 people left out of how many when we started? As Senator Ward quite rightly said, their mothers carry a guilt they should not. It is time we stepped back and started to put right some of the horrible things we have done to our citizens.