When will the Government act to prevent a genocide in Gaza? In just over 100 days, more than 25,000 people in Gaza have been killed. As a result of a man-made famine, 80% of the world's hungriest people are now in Gaza. Contagious disease is sweeping through the nearly 2 million displaced people. The healthcare system has been obliterated.

Not only are senior Israeli Government officials making regular genocidal statements, but they are also explicitly rejecting a two-state solution. Yesterday, Israel's foreign affairs minister suggested the international community should build an artificial island in the Mediterranean for Palestinians. It is clear the Israeli Government has lost all grip of reality, proportionality and humanity.

What is the Government waiting for? Is it waiting for the death toll to reach 30,000, 40,000 or 50,000? As the Taoiseach is aware, the Social Democrats have a motion tabled for discussion tomorrow calling on the Government to act and support South Africa's case under the genocide convention against Israel at the International Court of Justice at the earliest opportunity as a matter of urgency. Sometime after 10 p.m. last night, we found out that the Government was changing the Dáil schedule this week to introduce its own motion on Gaza today, in advance of our motion tomorrow. When I read the Government motion, I wonder why it bothered. The motion does not contain any commitment to intervene on the side of South Africa at the International Court of Justice. All it says is that this will be considered after the preliminary ruling. It is obvious the Government does not wish to use or even contemplate the word "genocide" when it comes to Israel's actions in Gaza. That is why it is refusing to take a stance now and signal its support for South Africa at the International Court of Justice. It wants to wait until it has the cover of the preliminary ruling and then it will consider its options. This approach lacks courage. It is at odds with the annihilation we are witnessing and the Government's words of support for Palestinians.

While the Government is faffing around, other countries are making their intentions clear. Germany has already announced that it will intervene in the case on the side of Israel, saying it firmly and explicitly rejects the accusation of genocide. The US and the UK have also made their views clear. They have rubbished South Africa's case as unjustified and without merit. Western countries are lining up to support Israel. There could not be more of a pressing need for countries such as Ireland to signal their support for South Africa now. The Government's claim that it cannot do so simply is not credible. In fact, it has a duty to do so. Under the genocide convention, states have a duty to punish and prevent genocide. The first step in fulfilling that duty is to assess the risk of genocide. That means starting the process now, rather than waiting. Will the Taoiseach signal Ireland's intention to intervene at the earliest possible opportunity? Will he start that process now?

Like everyone in the House, I am appalled at the ongoing violence that is occurring in Gaza and, indeed, in the West Bank and Israel, where millions of people have been displaced and tens of thousands killed, mostly women and children. We should not forget there are two sides to this conflict. It is the case that many more Palestinians have died than Israelis and many more Palestinians have been displaced than Israelis but there have been Israelis killed and Palestinians and Israelis displaced too. It is important that should be acknowledged, perhaps in the Deputy's next remarks.

In terms of what we are doing as a Government, we are working at EU level, UN level and bilateral level to do anything we practically can do to bring about a ceasefire. We were among the first countries in the world to call for a humanitarian ceasefire. That is the way we voted at UN and EU levels and we will continue to look for that because we need a ceasefire so that humanitarian aid can get in, the killing can stop and the hostages who are still being held in Gaza can be released.

What happens at the ICJ and the International Criminal Court is really important. We are very big supporters of these institutions but I am sad to say I do not believe an order from the ICJ will bring about an end to this conflict. It did not do so in Ukraine. It may be four years before the case is finally decided. This conflict will be brought to an end by diplomacy and politics.

That is why we are focusing on diplomacy and politics. What the Government is asking the House to agree to tonight is to recognise that our overwhelming priority is exactly that, namely, trying to achieve a ceasefire on both sides and an end to the violence by way of diplomacy and politics. We are also demanding unhindered humanitarian access to Gaza, and we are supporting the UN in its work in that regard. We are also committing to support any decision of the ICJ on preliminary measures. These will be final and binding on the parties concerned, and we will urge all parties to the genocide convention to do so.

We are also committing to considering an intervention in the case of South Africa v. Israel at the ICJ. This is done at the point when South Africa would file its main case - its memorial case. While some countries have indicated that they will intervene, none has yet done so because that does not happen until that point. This is exactly the approach we took in relation to Ukraine. We will also drive efforts at EU level to bring about sanctions against violent settlers in the West Bank.

On ICJ cases, the Attorney General will travel to The Hague on 22 February to make Ireland's intervention in respect of the situation in Israel and Palestine in person. That relates to an existing case before the ICJ regarding Israel's actions in Palestine and the West Bank. I hope that proves we are taking this seriously and that we are taking the ICJ seriously. We want to do this properly, just as we have with that case and just as we did in relation to Ukraine.

It is interesting that the Taoiseach mentions the case of Ukraine. The Tánaiste had no such reluctance when it came to Russia. Less than two months after Russia's brutal invasion of Ukraine he labelled it a genocide. The double standard beggars belief. Israel claims that it is doing everything in its power to protect civilians in Gaza. It says that while it is dropping 2,000-pound bombs on densely populated residential areas. These enormous bombs are not being used sparingly either. They have been dropped in their hundreds on an area half the size of Louth. How can countries that claim to value human rights and international law sit back and watch this? I agree that Ireland has been a really strong voice for the Palestinian people on the world stage, but words will not provide a defence from the bombs, famine or disease sweeping through Gaza. Saying we cannot act now is simply disingenuous. As stated, Germany has signalled its intention to act. We could signal our intention now and start the process with a legal team on establishing the case. We must stand on the right side of history with regard to this. Sitting by, watching this happen and waiting while 250 people are dying every day simply lacks the courage that is needed at this point. Will the Government act with the same degree of urgency as the Government of Germany? Will it act with the same degree of urgency as it did in the case of Ukraine and signal its intention to support South Africa's case at the ICJ immediately?

As I mentioned earlier, the Attorney General will travel to the ICJ in The Hague on 22 February and will make Ireland's intervention in respect of the case relating to Israel and Palestine and the actions happening in that regard in person. This demonstrates that we take these matters seriously and that we take the ICJ seriously. On the genocide convention case, we will adopt the same approach that we did in respect of Russia and Ukraine. We will wait until South Africa files its memorial - its main case. We will consider it and at that point we will decide on the nature of any intervention. We do agree that South Africa's case is valid.

The motion put down by the Deputy's party is good in parts, but I think it is flawed. I would like the party to consider amending it. The motion does not condemn Hamas. It does not call for the release of the hostages, and I think that is wrong. It does not call for Hamas to cease fire or to disarm. Hamas is a terrorist organisation, and terrorist organisations should disarm. The only real mention of Hamas and the events of 7 October is to say that they do not justify Israel's actions. I do not think that is good enough.

We have done that before.