Powerful countries in the West, all of which claim to value human rights and international law, have been revealed by the war in Gaza as immoral hypocrites. They only value international law when their enemies and not their allies are in breach. Their shameful record in Gaza amounts to the normalisation of mass murder and devastation. They wag their fingers at the Israeli Government occasionally but continue to support and arm Israel. Their bombs and bullets have killed more than 30,000 Palestinians. It is not just the United States that is engaged in this. Arms exports from Germany to Israel have increased tenfold since October. Weapons from Germany now make up nearly 30% of Israel's military imports. Genocide is a nice little earner for the German arms industry. The UK has said it has concerns that Israel may be breaching international human rights law but those concerns have not stopped it selling weapons to Israel. Far from it, there is not a single pause in supply.

How much more suffering can people in Gaza endure? How much more death and destruction are western countries willing to facilitate? Is there any upper limit, any point at which world leaders will be sickened enough to act? Children in Gaza who managed to survive an unprecedented bombardment are now dying of starvation. They are dying from hunger while thousands of trucks packed with food aid are lined up for miles at the border crossing. The Israeli Government is denying entry to that aid. It is making a deliberate choice to starve these children. Let us not pretend otherwise. This is not just callous and clinical; it is a flagrant breach of the recent ruling of the International Court of Justice. The ICJ ordered immediate and effective measures to protect Palestinians from genocide by ensuring sufficient humanitarian assistance to Gaza. The response of the Israeli Government has been to reduce the supply of aid and starve the population. Its contempt for international law could not be clearer.

Just because many countries in the West have lost their moral compass, it does not mean we have to. Given that we are in a minority in advocating for Gaza, there is even more of an obligation on us to act. I have repeatedly acknowledged that the Irish Government has been strong in its condemnation of Israel's brutality, but I and people all over Ireland are still waiting for the Government to follow those words with actions. As a sovereign country, there are things we could do for which we do not need an international consensus. The Dáil could sit over the recess to enact the occupied territories Bill or the Illegal Israeli Settlements Divestment Bill. We could issue travel bans for violent Israeli settlers, including those in the Israeli Government. We could recognise the state of Palestine. Will the Government do those things?

The most important point is that Ireland has not lost its moral compass on this issue. I think we should agree on that in this House. The situation in Gaza is absolutely catastrophic. I agree with Josep Borrell, the EU vice president and head of European foreign policy, when he said people should stop sending arms if they want an end to the conflict. Other countries should stop sending arms in order to bring an end to this conflict. I know that many countries are trying to bring an end to the conflict. I have no doubt that many in the US want this to end but Israel is reckless with its own allies and is it is reckless with the region. Above all it is reckless with the lives of ordinary Gazans. It is absolutely reckless in allowing what is happening to happen on a daily basis. We are witnessing a complete collapse of societal cohesion within Gaza. We saw the shocking scenes last week when 100 people were killed and clearly many were hit by bullets fired by Israeli forces. There should be an international investigation into that. That represented the collapse of any order in the area in terms of facilitating the distribution of aid. Gazan police were targeted by Israeli forces when they were helping UN agencies to distribute food.

When I spoke to Sigrid Kaag, the UN envoy to the Middle East and to Gaza in particular, she said that without question we are in the midst of a collapse. The people in Gaza are absolutely desperate. Their situation is dire. Children are suffering malnutrition. Our priority has been an immediate humanitarian ceasefire. We have worked with the Palestinian Authority, the Saudi Arabian foreign minister, Jordanians, Egyptians and others. Last week, I sent officials to Jordan to work with them on the Arab peace plan which should emerge imminently. They are liaising with the US and the European Union. That peace plan is essential in securing any ceasefire that might happen over the coming days. We hope it does because that has to happen. There then needs to be unimpeded access to aid. Israel has responsibilities under international humanitarian law to protect the civilians in Gaza.

Israel is not fulfilling that obligation as an occupying power in any shape or form. It is contributing to the deaths in the bombardment of Gaza but also in the starvation of the people of Gaza. I welcome the fact that the European Commission has now reversed its pause and has allocated and restarted the funding of the United Nations Relief and Works Agency, UNRWA. I believe we showed leadership and action with regard to UNRWA and we were the first and only country to say that there should be no pause to aid for UNRWA despite what happened, and despite what any other countries had done. We followed that up quickly by meeting with Philippe Lazzarini and allocating €20 million upfront. These actions are cause and effect.

One, the Tánaiste has not answered a single one of my questions. Two, it is just more words that do not even suggest that they will be followed by any kind of actions. It is important to look back to 1984 when Dunnes Stores workers refused to stock the shelves with products from apartheid South Africa. Never let it be said that a small country cannot have an impact. Big or small, it is important that in times like this that, as a country, we stand up and be brave. I have asked the Tánaiste, as a country, about the things we can do without international consensus. We can recognise the State of Palestine. We can enact the Control of Economic Activity (Occupied Territories) Bill and the Illegal Israeli Settlements Divestment Bill. Is the Tánaiste willing to match any of his words with any kind of action that could send a message, big or small, which could actually have an impact in the face of an impending genocide? Children are starving and European countries are arming this massacre. What is the Tánaiste going to actually do? He should spare me the empty words and please tell me what actions he will take.

My words are not empty, Deputy. I believe in substance on this issue and not words. I have heard many words in this House and across its foor about substance and impact. I believe Ireland can have impact, small and all as we are, and we are having impact. We are one of the few countries which have already made a robust legal submission to the International Court of Justice in respect of the UN seeking an advisory opinion on the legality or illegality of Israel's occupation. The Attorney General gave a very robust and very effective performance. That is action. Very few other countries are doing that.

I have already outlined to the Deputy the action we have taken on UNRWA. I answered earlier in the House on the question of recognition, where I said to the Deputy that we are working with the Arab peace initiative. We have discussed this with them as to what is the optimal time for recognition. When will it have most impact? It is only something that one can do once.

Can you do this now? It might be a good time.

I am telling the Deputy that I believe the best and optimal time is following the publication of the Arab peace initiative and in the developing of a political track whereby a number of European countries together could, on the back of that and in tandem with that act-----

You could enact the Illegal Israeli Settlements Divestment Bill.

-----which is far more effective. This idea of the Deputy trying to score points or suggesting that she is more virtuous than everybody else in the House on this question is an approach we need to dispense with. We all want this to end but I genuinely believe Ireland can and is having an impact and we are using every possible forum - diplomatic, legal and political - to end this.

Ba mhaith liom labhairt freisin faoi cad atá ar siúl i nGaza faoi láthair. I would also like to speak about the situation in Gaza. I want to focus on the international humanitarian operation that is air-dropping food supplies by parachute directly onto the strip. I am doubling down on the previous speaker's remarks and I would absolutely be in favour of, and it is far preferable that there be, a permanent ceasefire, a prisoner exchange and direct humanitarian access on the ground. While the negotiations are ongoing for that to take place, as an interim solution this is something which is viable, worthwhile and is something Ireland should examine.

There will be consequences to any action Ireland takes. If Ireland expels the Israeli ambassador, Israel will just expel our ambassador. If Ireland tries to slap sanctions on Israel, it will just slap sanctions on Ireland back and, not only that, but that other countries would probably join them as would other corporations. If Ireland engages in certain legal practices, life on the ground would become very difficult for our troops, for our humanitarian workers and for our diplomats, to such an extent that they may not be able to carry out their vitally important function.

The only consequences to Ireland involving itself in this type of humanitarian air-drop by parachute operation is that women and children will be fed. An added bonus is that it will be very symbolic and would send a very powerful and pragmatic message to both the current Israeli Government and to the Knesset.

The reason I raise this is because there has been a number of media comments over the past week or so that Ireland is considering participating in this operation. Are those media reports true? Is Ireland considering being involved in this humanitarian parachute operation? My understanding is that we do not have the technical capability in our Air Corps at the moment. Is that the case? I am open to correction on that. If we are going to participate and we do not have the technical capability, what form will that assistance take?

Finally, I understand and very much welcome that an order has been placed to purchase a new military transport aircraft. It is being assembled on an assembly line in Spain at the moment but it will not be here for 15 months. Is it the Tánaiste's understanding that that new aircraft will have the capability to deploy pallets mid-air in the future? If it is not the case, would the Tánaiste consider including that in the tender? It is very important that as the direction of travel geopolitically on the planet at the moment is very un-reassuring that this is a capability that Ireland should certainly try to acquire as soon as possible. I thank the Tánaiste.

Firstly, I agree with much of what Deputy Berry has said. By way of quick reply, we are actively exploring the possibility of Ireland contributing to this multinational effort and Jordan, in particular, has been leading this in organising air-drops. I spoke to Foreign Minister Safadi on this a week or two ago and I specifically asked questions on this. We speak a great deal on other issues. We are now actively engaged with Jordan. It is not an issue of our technical capacity or anything like that. Jordan obviously has much experience interlocuting with the Israeli Government on the airspace there and the Deputy will understand the issues which arise there. We are working in partnership with Jordan and are actively exploring that.

What is important is that that should not distract from Israel's obligations. The most effective and only way to really get meaningful volumes of aid through is through the corridors, to open up the checkpoints, to open up Gaza and to allow far more trucks to get in on the ground than are getting in at the moment.

At the European Union, we have done about 41 air bridges but that is via Egypt. Janez Lenarčič, the European Commissioner for Crisis Managerment is a fine Commissioner. He might forgive my pronunciation at times on that but he has been very proactive in trying to get humanitarian aid into Gaza. I have met with and have discussed this with him and the centrality of UNRWA in getting that aid across. While there are air-drops in some countries other than these we are working with Jordan, are exploring this and will be supporting it in that respect. Of that the Deputy can be certain.

We are also very conscious that these cannot be used as an excuse for other actions as one does not get the same volume. There are also operational issues in getting the aid to people once it is dropped. Nonetheless, it is vital in northern Gaza, for example, where the UN agencies are not working, are not able to get in, are not effective and are not getting the stuff through. Really, it is about the opening up on a full-time basis of the border to allow for more trucks to get through.

On the capability question and a new C295W aircraft, which I believe is what the Deputy was referring to, that will be capable of transporting and deploying palletised cargo from the air and it can be configured with the required cargo handling system. It is equipped with a rear cargo door which can then be opened in flight. The aircraft avionics system is also capable of being programmed with the various parameters to allow for the accuracy required with aerial delivery operations.

The considerations are more on the, dare I say it, political or practical level in working with the Jordanian Government on the specifics of getting aid in and in whatever we can do to get aid in through that route, in terms of Ireland's purchase and support.

I very much agree with the Tánaiste and Deputy Cairns that the key is to get a ceasefire and to get the volume of aid through. I commend the King of Jordan. He is a former paratrooper and a former special forces officer. It is unusual that a Head of State would have that background. He knows what he is talking about. Doubling down on what Deputy Cairns said, perhaps we could do something practical, perhaps even flying food out to Jordan and then leaving it on the runway in order that another nation could drop that food in on our behalf. That is certainly worth considering. I am glad that consideration is being given to this, and we should do as much as possible from a practical point of view to assist the people on the ground.

I will come back to the Deputies generally when that progresses somewhere, but it is being actively pursued by the Irish Government with the Jordanian Government. I met with the King when I was in Jordan recently. He and the Jordanian Government are very appreciative of the role Ireland has taken internationally at the various forums, particularly within the European Union.

In response to earlier questions, the mood within Europe has changed. Last week, 26 countries were prepared to have sanctions against violent and extreme settlers. Only one country objected, namely, Hungary. Earlier there was a question about travel bans. We hope to do travel bans and asset freezes, but it would be better if we could get the EU 27 on board, so we will make one final effort at the next FAC to get full agreement. An asset freeze would be far more effective than a travel ban for some of these individuals who are doing terrible things in the West Bank in displacing Palestinian communities, schools and so forth.

As Deputy Berry noted, the King of Jordan has a great deal of experience. It is interesting that the Deputy said that because the King discussed issues like that with me when I met him when I was last in Jordan in December.