Gaza peace and occupied territories bill
Holly Cairns welcomed developments toward peace in Gaza, pressed for equal recognition of Palestinian suffering, and asked why the occupied territories Bill was not being advanced with similar urgency. The Taoiseach said humanitarian aid was paramount, defended Ireland’s pro-Palestinian record, and argued services in the Bill raise unresolved tracing and legal issues; the Chair repeatedly curtailed the back-and-forth and ruled out discussion of the presidential election.
The scenes of joy and relief in Gaza and Israel over recent days have been wonderful to witness. In particular, the release of hostages on both sides yesterday was incredibly emotional, but it struck me once more that even in this fragile peace, Palestinians continue to be dehumanised. Many of us have learned the names and personal stories of the Israeli hostages who were, rightly, released. However, there was no similar coverage for Palestinian hostages, many of whom were never charged with or convicted of any crime. Despite this, they have been referred to by the international media as prisoners, their illegal internment and torture in Israeli prisons never mentioned. We will probably never know their names or hear the stories of how some of them spent years, even decades, in Israeli detention without charge, only to return to a wasteland yesterday where Gaza used to be, to discover their family members had been wiped out in the genocide.
Of course, we hope with all of our hearts that this genocide is over, but we also have to face reality. Five Gazans were murdered by Israeli forces yesterday morning, just two days after they committed to a ceasefire. The simple fact of the matter is that the crimes and barbarity of the Israeli Government predate 7 October and in all likelihood will not come to an end with this peace deal. For decades, Palestinians have suffered under an apartheid regime and brutal occupation. In the West Bank, where Hamas does not have a presence, there were more than 1,000 violent settler attacks in the first eight months of this year alone.
This is why Ireland has a duty under international law to end all trade with illegal Israeli settlements. The Government had promised to enact its own version of the occupied territories Bill, which would do just that, but it has been slow-walking its passage all year and refusing to commit to including services, along with goods, as part of this legislation. Yesterday, the Taoiseach told the Dáil the feedback he is getting is that services are "not ... implementable", meaning a huge component of trade between Ireland and the illegal settlements will continue if this Bill is ever enacted. We need to see action and we need to see accountability. If services are omitted from the occupied territories Bill, it will be against the advice of the Oireachtas foreign affairs committee. It issued a report in July and recommended that services be included. The Taoiseach also had a letter from more than 400 lawyers and legal academics stating there is no reason services cannot be included, not to mention the strength of feeling among the general public.
Why is the Government intent on diluting the occupied territories Bill? We have seen today that the Government can act really quickly-----
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------and clear Dáil schedules for confidence motions when it wants to.
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Why will the Government not act with the same urgency to enact the occupied territories Bill?
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First, I will say that we earnestly hope that the peace will be sustained in Gaza. It is extremely important every effort is made to get huge volumes of humanitarian aid into Gaza, clean water and clean fuel in sufficient quantities to enable the people of Gaza to feed themselves, that the United Nations and all of its agencies would have primacy in distributing those goods, and that there would be sufficient deconfliction in Gaza to enable humanitarian workers and medics to do their work without the threat of violence or worse. That is, to me, now the most significant issue facing the people of Gaza, that that aid goes in unhindered, in line with the peace deal.
The release of the hostages is a big moment and should be acknowledged. They should never have been taken as hostages in the first instance. Many of them were attending a music festival and - I am not saying the Deputy is doing this - there should be no equivocation about that. Likewise, illegally detaining Palestinians without any trial or evidence base is also wrong. It is 100% wrong and should not be condoned.
The Irish Government, by the way, has been to the fore and if you talk to the Palestinian authorities-----
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I will answer the questions but the Deputy has made assertions and I am entitled to make assertions and make our point, which is that the Irish Government has been one of the strongest advocates for the Palestinian cause-----
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-----for Palestinian self-determination and the Deputy will never acknowledge that. She keeps on having a go at the Government all of the time about this aspect or another aspect but the reality is very clear and if you talk to the Palestinian Authority or Palestinians, they will say that.
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They will say that, will they?
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In relation to the occupied territories Bill, I have been saying this for quite a while, and by the way I have read the Oireachtas committee report. In fairness, it makes the point, "The Joint Committee notes that no data was available to it to ascertain the quantity of Services imported from the Occupied Palestinian Territories and recommends that the Minister attempts to obtain and publish this information."
The committee does not know. The Deputy used the word "huge". No one knows. It is not huge. We do not know. The report goes on to state, "The Joint Committee notes that potential repercussions from the international community, in terms of both international relations and economically,-----"
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"-----are unknowable and recommends that the Minister undertakes efforts to establish and publish a range of likely scenarios."
Goods can be traced fairly easily through documentation, certificates of origin and physical supply chains. Services are a very different kettle of fish and we should all acknowledge that. I am just being honest; that is all. That is all I said yesterday.
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I am just endeavouring to be a bit honest with people. Financial consulting, software development-----
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-----so there are issues there that we need to work through if we are honest about this.
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We have been discussing banning trade with illegal Israeli settlements for years now. The occupied territories Bill was first published in 2018, so this Government, and previous ones, have had a long time to consider all of these issues. It is not a really long piece of legislation, for that matter, either. The level of talking down the clock and briefly approaching the question at the end is such a waste of everybody's time. This is Leaders' Questions and the leader's answers is implied within that. Is the Government going to include services? I recognise that services are different from goods. That is why I am specifically asking the Taoiseach about services and not goods. If the Taoiseach could answer the question, I would honestly really appreciate it. The strength of feeling out there is extremely strong and the public deserves to know where Government parties stand on the occupied territories Bill in advance of the presidential election, which is coming up quickly.
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The presidential election is about the person who people believe is the best person to hold the Presidency over the next seven years.
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I am just responding to the Deputy.
This Government has done a lot, internationally, through the various international legal forums and so on. We have sought advice on one aspect, but I have referenced in the House on a number of occasions that the objective here is not to punish Ireland. I read out that section from the Oireachtas committee report in terms of repercussions for multinational companies based in Ireland. What will be the repercussions for them in the United States-----
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-----because of boycotts and divestment? There is an issue there. Is it beyond us-----
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There is no loophole in the Genocide Convention-----
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All I am saying is there are very real issues we should be clear-eyed about. That is all I am saying.
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We have been to the ICC and the ICJ. We have achieved a lot in highlighting and profiling this.