Before we commence, I welcome to the Public Gallery the group Every Child Matters, from Meath and elsewhere around the country. They are guests of Deputy Johnny Guirke.

Cuirim fáilte roimh Every Child Matters. You are very welcome to the House.

Tá pobal Bhóthar Garbhachaidh go hiomlán i gcoinne an mhórshiúil de chuid an Ord Oráistigh atá á bhrú síos a mbóthar. Tá sé de cheart acu maireachtáil faoi shíocháin. Caithfidh Rúnaí Stáit na Breataine, Chris Bryant, gníomhú láithreach chun stop a chur le haon mhórshiúl atá á bhrú ar an bpobal seo.

Dignity, togetherness, resolve and strength: that is what the community of the Garvaghy Road has demonstrated over recent days. Mothers and fathers, grandmothers and grandfathers, families, neighbours and friends have stood together day and night to defend the peace their community has enjoyed for 28 years. They stand firm because threat remains.

The fundamental question they ask is "why?" Why, after 28 years of peace, are the Orange Order and the Democratic Unionist Party, DUP, so determined to force this unwanted march down the Garvaghy Road? Why, when a generation has grown up without this intimidation and fear, is there such determination to reopen this dispute and override the clearly expressed wishes of the community? It defies belief that the Parades Commission could conclude that this march should return after 28 years.

The Taoiseach correctly described that decision as "incomprehensible and wrong". I agree, but how was such an incomprehensible and wrong decision arrived at? What changed? Remember what this dispute brought in the past: 21 sectarian murders. Among the dead were three little boys, Richard, Mark and Jason Quinn, murdered when their home was petrol-bombed by loyalists; Rosemary Nelson, the solicitor for the Garvaghy Road residents, killed by loyalists; and Robert Hamill, kicked to death by loyalists.

Over recent days I have stood with the Garvaghy Road community. I have spoken to those mothers and grandmothers who lived through the dark years, and to parents, children and teenagers who have lived their entire lives free from that intimidation and fear.

That is, in the end, the greatest gift that peace has given to an entire generation. Why, in God’s name, would anyone seek to drag this community backwards? Whatever their motivations, they will fail because there is no going back. The days of unionist domination are over. The Irish and British Governments have a responsibility to ensure that this community continues to live in peace, free from sectarian intimidation. They have a responsibility to ensure that there is no Orange Order march down the Garvaghy Road. The British Secretary of State can stop this sectarian march being forced down that road and that is what he must do, because the way to restore peace and calm is this. That is the way to resolve this crisis.

Has the Taoiseach informed the British Prime Minister and the Secretary of State of their responsibility to end this nightmare, stop this march and allow the people of the Garvaghy Road and beyond to return to their peaceful lives?

I ask the Leas-Cheann Comhairle and the House to indulge me for a moment as I acknowledge the presence and imminent retirement of our colleague Miriam Lord, who is in the Gallery today. I think we would all agree that Miriam’s journalism, and in particular her oversight and accounts of our work in this House, has been a critical part of our national conversation, and indeed our nation’s democracy, over quite a number of years. In her unsparing but razor-sharp perception and analysis, I sometimes felt that she was rather unfair about me, but she was always spot on about everyone else. More seriously, Miriam has been an outstanding journalist and never produced anything short of must-read reporting. Her many awards and accolades were all richly deserved, and I feel that her absence from the analysis of and argument about our daily cut and thrust in this Chamber will be sorely missed. I am grateful for the opportunity to pay tribute to Miriam and all that she has done.

I appreciate the Deputy raising the issue of what has transpired over the last number of days in Northern Ireland, particularly Drumcree, and the parade, or the decision by the Parades Commission in respect of a parade down the Garvaghy Road. We in the Government, along with everyone in the House, are deeply concerned with what has transpired. In many ways the events of last weekend were deeply depressing. There is a real risk now that the progress that has been made on community relations in Northern Ireland will be set back.

We continue to monitor the situation very closely. Our officials are on the ground, remaining in contact with all key interlocutors, including the Garvaghy Road residents. I have maintained personal contact with Prime Minister Burnham over the weekend, and I know he shares our commitment to upholding the Good Friday Agreement and the immeasurable gains that have been made over the last 30 years. The Minister, Deputy McEntee, also remains in contact with the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, who is meeting with the five main political parties and the representatives of the Garvaghy Road Residents Coalition. The Minister has also been in touch with other political parties and groups.

I am keenly aware of the hurt around Drumcree. I have been through it before. I was in government when we had to deal with the catastrophe that unfolded in the late 1990s, as articulated by the Deputy. I too remember very clearly the fear, chaos, violence and tragedy the dispute generated. Drawing directly on that experience, I would urge extra sensitivity from everyone in positions of political or community leadership. I understand fully that feelings are very high, but this is the time for all of us to be calm and careful in what we say and do. I am relieved that those directly involved are open to mediation. I support and encourage that work.

I also support the idea that we might look at an independent international figure to play a role in supporting and encouraging mediation and negotiation. Overall, we need to acknowledge the bottom line is we have made significant progress over many years in furthering reconciliation under the Good Friday Agreement and that a return to the divisions of the past is simply unthinkable. My views on the original decision are well known. My focus now, working with all involved, is to see how we can create a pathway forward that mediates the community out of the grave risk that overshadows it right now. Beimid sásta gach aon iarracht a dhéanamh agus cabhair agus tacaíocht a thabhairt chun an fhadhb seo a réiteach agus treoir níos fearr a chur san áireamh.

Caithfimid go léir iarracht a dhéanamh chun stop a chur leis an máirseáil seo. Everyone in the Dáil knows that all of this is just wrong. All of us know that the 28 years of peace and progress have to be cherished and protected. All of us know the people of the Garvaghy Road have an absolute right to live free from sectarian intimidation, fear and thuggery and that that right must be defended. All of us know that the days of second-class citizenship are over and that we cannot and will not return to the past. We know also that for mediation to succeed, whatever form that may take, the community needs to have the threat of this sectarian march lifted. That is the reality. We know also the British Government and the British Secretary of State can and must intervene to make that a reality. That must happen urgently; that should happen today. The fact there has been a delay in all of this has meant the trauma and fear for the community have grown and grown. Matters have been very peaceful and very orderly. We need to do everything we can to defend that peace and order and the rights of the community of the Garvaghy Road. I appreciate the Taoiseach's efforts but I again ask him to impress upon the British Government and the Secretary of State that he can no longer sit on his hands. He has to intervene and stop this march.

Hear, hear.

I have been in touch with the British Prime Minister. We discussed it over the weekend. The Minister, Deputy McEntee, has been in constant contact with the Secretary of State. If we are honest about this, I do not think it is as simple as that. I think that one intervention is not going to resolve it. People have to stand back and there has to be some collective pathway determined with some degree of mediation.

I was listening to former Taoiseach Bertie Ahern this morning. He made the point that the issue has never been resolved. Although people thought it had been resolved, in many respects this is one that has never been resolved. We all know that for 28 years, there was never a decision to allow a parade down the Garvaghy Road, and that is how many of us find it difficult to comprehend how a decision was taken on this occasion. We will continue to engage with the British Government and all the parties involved with a view to finding a way through this that takes away the significant pressure that hangs over the residents of Garvaghy Road once and for all, or at least to create a pathway. A number of complications to this transpired over the weekend that really call for creative thinking in terms of how we can create a pathway of reconciliation and trust, building on the platform of work that has been under way in this community for quite some time to create a long-lasting peaceful resolution of this.

I pay tribute to Miriam Lord and acknowledge the huge contribution she has made to Irish journalism. On behalf of the Social Democrats, I wish her all the best for the future.

Tá ceart rochtana ag gach páiste ar an oideachas. Ní féidir leis an Rialtas dearmad a dhéanamh ar an gceart oideachais atá ag páistí le riachtanais bhreise. Last night, Virgin Media broadcast a devastating documentary about special education in this country.

Anyone who watches it will be left asking serious questions. How can the Government stand over children with additional needs being educated in a storage cupboard? How can it stand over children in distress being sent to a converted toilet to regulate? How on earth could this be allowed to happen? The documentary showed how some children with additional needs, their families and schools are being comprehensively failed by this Government. It showed how they must spend their lives in a constant fight for services, equipment, resources and an education. Every waking moment is spent fighting with a State and Government that is supposed to be there to help them. The grim reality is that when they lose that fight, there are no consequences for anyone other than the children and the families themselves. There are no inquiries or investigations, just children and families who are left feeling alone, marginalised and isolated, trying to pick up the pieces.

One of the schools that featured last night was Stapolin Educate Together National School. I welcome its principal, Clodagh, and one of its special needs assistants, SNAs, Samantha, to the Public Gallery. I commend Clodagh, Samantha and everyone who is working in special education on their incredible dedication and commitment. The Minister of State, Deputy Moynihan, himself visited Stapolin national school last year. He stood in the very storage cupboard where children with additional needs are being educated, so the remarks of a senior education Minister last night that this situation is not acceptable ring hollow.

Another school that featured in last night's documentary is in Ballintemple, in the Taoiseach's own constituency. The principal of the School of the Divine Child, Fiona Thomas, described how they are being starved of resources, and they are not being listened to by the Government. What we saw last night should shame the Taoiseach and everyone in his Government. That is why families were protesting outside the Dáil today. They are at their wits' end. They are tired of this Government's broken promises. They are tired of watching their children suffer and feeling helpless. They are tired of being ignored. They want the Taoiseach and his Government to take action. What does the Taoiseach have to say to them? Why is this Government continuing to fail children with additional needs and their families?

First, I did not see the programme yesterday evening. One has to be objective and there has to be balance in the assessment of any story. The last five years has witnessed extraordinary expansion and investment in special education, which the Deputy has ignored completely in his comments. There is no excuse for, and I do not accept in any way, any child being in a cupboard, a stairwell or whatever. The fact is there has been an 87% increase in the number of special education places in five years. It is quite extraordinary expansion. In the 2026-27 year, we now have 34,000 students who will be enrolled in special classes and special schools. That is an increase of 86% since 2020. There are about 4,324 additional special classes, up 136% since 2020. Staff numbers are up 43% since then. We now have 26,000 SNAs compared with what we had five years ago - I went through it here before - at nearly half that. We have 22,500 special education teachers. Sixteen new special schools have opened, with four opening in Citywest, Balbriggan, Bray and Monasterevin.

The Deputy mentioned the School of the Divine Child. I pleaded with its previous principal and board to move out to the Enable Ireland site in Wilton. It was a brand-new site adjacent to a wonderfully modern new therapeutic centre. The school refused. It was the obvious move that should have happened. The Department was ready to fully fund it. The existing facilities in the school at Lavanagh are not satisfactory at all. I know it very well. I do not accept the criticism on that front. It was a terrible mistake made in not availing of the opportunity to go to a new site next to therapeutic facilities with the Department fully funding it and so on. That site is still there. In fact, I was trying to get two special schools out there, including St. Gabriel's, and Enable Ireland had agreed. There was a dispute between Enable Ireland and the school board on the question. That was a mistake. I did not see the programme last night, but the outcome of that mistake is the facilities the children now have in the School of the Divine Child. That is my view and I hold to it very strongly. It is easy to pick out individual cases. The fact is there has been a very strong, comprehensive provision.

Regarding the parents notify system, I acknowledge that too many parents have to fight too often to get places.

The onus should be on the system, the NCSE and schools to facilitate parents who apply. The parents notify system has now allowed us to have significantly better planning. Again, there were people against that last summer. People were giving out that we had opened it in July. Close to 7,860 children applied through that process seeking a special education place. That is more than double the number seeking places in 2025. Again, we opened about 587 new special classes at the beginning of this month alone to deal with that. There is significant expansion and investment. There is also increased demand, but we are getting there earlier for parents in terms of them notifying us much earlier on and then us working hard to try to get special classes in place. I will come back to the school in Stapolin later.

It is welcome that the Taoiseach does not accept children getting taught in a storeroom, but that is happening. The reason it is happening is because his Department has told the schools to use every available space and the Department of education has failed to sanction additional classrooms that the schools are crying out for. This is not just one isolated school; it is happening in other places around the country. It is welcome that as Taoiseach he says it is not acceptable but what is he going to do to make sure it does not continue? When is he going to sanction the additional classrooms that the schools are crying out for? Can he give a commitment to this Dáil, and to the people, the parents and the children? On what date will no child be taught in a storeroom any more? What date can he give for that? When is he going to put a stop to it? When is he going to provide the funding for the additional classrooms so that children can be taught in the proper facilities that they deserve?

Already this year we allocated a further €646 million on top of €3 billion to cater for the extra demand in special classes and places for special education. We took that decision earlier this year when the full scale of the demand revealed itself through the parents notify system and we were not found wanting in coming up with close to €700 million to deal with that. We will continue to do that. The Deputy made the point about Stapolin national school. That is a new school. I think it moved into a new school building in 2023. It includes purpose-built special education facilities, two special classes, a central activity room, a sensory room and two quiet rooms. It also benefits from additional accommodation, including special education teaching rooms, a library, a multi-purpose room and so on. The school has applied for two additional classrooms. My understanding is that this is currently being considered by the Department's building unit. The vast majority of children who were originally on the waiting list have since secured placements in special classes within the local area or neighbouring areas in Dublin's northside.

Thank you, Taoiseach.

The Minister of State, Deputy Moynihan, and the Minister, Deputy Naughton, are doing everything they possibly can, given the extraordinary expansion in the last two years of numbers. In the last two years alone, the numbers seeking places in special classes or in special schools is quite significant. Yes, as a result of that expansion and the awarding of special schools, there had been issues with creating physical space in a very short space of time to accommodate everyone-----

You should conclude, Taoiseach.

-----but every effort is being made and the funding has been put in place to underpin that effort.

I welcome our visitors in the Gallery who are campaigning for children with additional needs. I want to pay tribute to Miriam Lord in the Press Gallery. She has contributed to the gaiety of the nation significantly and many of us will miss her column on Saturdays, even when we were sometimes the brunt of it. Her witty and sometimes barbed words were always a treat to read. I thank her for all she did.

Last Thursday in Dublin, I met with residents of the Garvaghy Road. From them, I heard directly of their distress at the prospect of the Portadown Orange Order marching down the road they call home. Now, their fears are being realised. The grant of permission last Friday by the Parades Commission has reopened seriously deep wounds. We can all be clear that none of this about infringing on anyone’s traditions. More than 90% of marches in the North have proceeded without issue. The reason this march has been, rightly, curtailed for nearly 30 years is the enormous horror it causes for a community that has grappled for decades with a legacy of violence linked to so many killings. We think of Michael McGoldrick, the young Quinn brothers, Rosemary Nelson, Constable Frank O’Reilly and more.

We cannot afford a return to that dark past and those grim days of the 1990s. Granting permission for the parade was reckless, irresponsible and wrong with no material change in the circumstances that had led to the march being refused on previous occasions.

The Taoiseach has said that he wants to see calm restored, and I think we all agree with that. It seems today that an international mediator may be appointed to intervene in the dispute. The Taoiseach said that the Government remains in contact with the Executive, the British Prime Minister and the Secretary of State, Chris Bryant. That is important. Indeed, I appealed to the British Government to remain closely engaged when I spoke at the British Labour Party conference in Liverpool yesterday. However, it is a failure of Northern Ireland’s political system that the situation remains so tense and volatile today. Clearly, residents may well feel that the institutions set up to protect peace have abandoned them. We must not abandon them. As co-guarantors of the Good Friday Agreement, the Government has a role in restoring trust. We know that there are sinister actors who want to see mediation fail, and want to exploit the dysfunction in power-sharing and devolution to bring down the institutions of the Good Friday Agreement. We cannot allow them to win. Proactive steps must be taken to restore trust and calm, as the SDLP has said.

Has the Taoiseach asked the PSNI why it told the Parades Commission that the Drumcree parade could safely take place, as it clearly could not? Will he use all diplomatic channels to ensure that the people of the Garvaghy Road are not subjected to further trauma and to ensure that the march does not take place? If mediation fails, will he call on the Secretary of State to exercise his powers to prohibit a parade under section 11 of the public processions Act 1998?

I thank the Deputy for raising this. I say to her, again, that I concur that nobody wants to go back to the terror and trauma of what transpired over 28 years ago during that particular period. As I said earlier, I found the events of the past weekend deeply depressing. I think we have to focus on the next steps on how we mediate our way through this.

I have given my views on the decision. I am not going to attempt to take the House through that or indeed through whatever rationale the Parades Commission itself has given. We need to be careful of placing responsibility on the PSNI, in terms of that decision. I think the PSNI will say there were caveats to that, but I want to take the opportunity to pay tribute to the PSNI. Jon Boutcher, the Chief Constable, had one singular clear objective. I think he used the phrase that he did not want one hair on one head hurt or injured. His overarching priority after the court's decision and so on was to try to protect human life and that is important. I think we should be clear about supporting the PSNI on that objective and avoiding any action that would precipitate injury or harm to people. I make that point.

The Parades Commission has made its decision. I am clear that I find it difficult to comprehend. I believe that it was the wrong decision. From our perspective, if you look at the 28 years, it is difficult to understand why this year it was allowed. Even if we go through the very manner in which it was allowed, it seems to suggest to me that there are clear issues, if only 35 are being allowed, etc. However, we need to focus on how we can bring all the different dimensions to this together or how we can have a conversation and develop a conversation between the communities involved to try to resolve this once and for all, or to get a pathway to a resolution of this.

I listened to Chris Nelson, the son of Rosemary Nelson, this morning. He articulated the immense trauma that he endured as a result of the murder of his mother. He also said this morning that we must think of the children of this community above and beyond everything else. We just must do everything collectively that we possibly can to avoid any harm or any enduring trauma for the younger generation of the community in Drumcree and particularly along the Garvaghy Road. That has to be our singular objective. We now need to concentrate on how we get a resolution to this, which will not be easy. We have to move beyond the fact that decisions have been taken.

The courts are independent, by the way. I want to be very clear about that. If we can engage with the parties involved, hopefully, we can find a way forward.

What was particularly impressive about the calm dignity of the Garvaghy Road residents when we met them last Thursday was their concern for a younger generation and to ensure that the dark days of the past would not be repeated for a generation of people who had happily grown up under peace and the Good Friday Agreement. That is why this is now so grim. I agree with and welcome the Taoiseach's strongly worded views on the decision of the Parades Commission. We all share his view that it was an unacceptable and incomprehensible decision. Of course, the most important thing now is to ensure that nobody is injured, or worse, but the longer uncertainty prevails and the longer the standoff continues, the worse the risk for Garvaghy Road residents, the younger generation and all of those who we had hoped would never experience those horrors again in their lifetime.

What we would like to know, from the Opposition side, both the Labour Party and our sister party, the SDLP, is what that pathway the Taoiseach speaks of is. When will the mediator be appointed? Can we see a way to appoint a mediator as soon as possible? If not, then why are we not talking about section 11, which is part of the architecture of the Good Friday Agreement? The power of the Secretary of State to prohibit a parade without any veto from the PSNI or the commission is there in the 1998 legislation. There can be an enabling consultation but no right of veto. The Secretary of State must be prepared to utilise that power rather than run the risk of violence on the Garvaghy Road.

I just want to acknowledge the presence of Every Child Matters and the presence of children with additional needs. They are very welcome to the House. Hopefully, I will get a chance to say hello to them later.

The Minister for foreign affairs, Deputy McEntee, has been in constant contact all weekend with various parties and with the Northern Ireland Secretary of State. I have been in contact with the British Prime Minister. We are well aware of the legislative framework governing actions that the Northern Ireland Secretary of State can or could take but the context has to be one where whatever decisions are taken ensure a pathway towards trust and reconciliation between both communities on the ground. Otherwise, decisions can get subject to subsequent legal actions as well, as we saw. The contact will continue. It is fair to say that a consensus has not emerged, clearly, in terms of a pathway forward. People are mindful of the different perspectives and stances that people have on this current situation. We may regret - I certainly do - that because of the decision, we find ourselves in this position but our collective objective now has to be to find a way out of it that avoids the terrible trauma we witnessed in the past. It would be a singular failure of progress in Northern Ireland if we were to witness something similar to that now.

I wish Miriam Lord all the best in her retirement. She reaffirms that women are the wittiest and the best satirists. Fair play.

I want to raise with the Taoiseach the role of the Government and the FAI in the debacle that happened in relation to the Ireland versus Israel game, which continues on. The players are still not certain but it has been reported that they will play in the second part of that fixture. The players had to hold an emergency team meeting and vote the day before a match that had been discussed here and outside in society for months. Does the Taoiseach agree that the FAI's handling of this was shambolic, arrogant and incompetent and that the CEO and the board should resign for their handling of it? The FAI got State funding of €75 million between 2019 and 2024.

Yesterday, the FAI president was still not able to state what the financial penalties would have been. He said they were still undetermined, so the whole thing was over undetermined financial penalties. The FAI has ignored its own grassroots and doubled down on its bad decision by shifting the game, knowing that the local fans did not want it. It claimed that each player had been consulted but forgot that goalkeepers are also players as well. It all led to an eleventh-hour meeting and the exclusion of one of the players who had stated that he did not want to play. The FAI then deceptively reported the vote as being a "significant majority" when, in fact, it was 14 to nine, if you count the player who did not have a vote, the heroic and courageous Gavin Bazunu.

His welfare was not protected by the FAI either. He travelled home alone and so on. I salute him.

What pressure did agents put on young players? It was reported that the Unique Sports Group told players they would never be signed up by American-owned English clubs if they did not play in these matches. The team was sent into a cauldron of racial abuse, with monkey chants for one of the players, as well as IDF chants. A video was circulated showing Yoseph Haddad, who apparently was brought into Leinster House by the Minister, Deputy Carroll MacNeill, saying that Israel may lose the football but the IDF always wins.

My question to the Taoiseach is about the Government's role. He made a speech at the UN in which he said: "the situation in Gaza remains an affront to all that is decent" and "Let it not be said that we did not act." Two days later, he facilitated a sportswash in the game against Israel. All through this, he, the Minister and the Minister of State with responsibility for sport have encouraged this game to go ahead. They could have supported the FAI at all times. As Fintan O'Toole said, the Taoiseach had an open goal but he kicked the ball into row Z by not backing a cancellation of the match. Will he join me in calling on the players not to play the second leg of the fixture?

First, the level of suffering inflicted on the civilian population in Gaza and, indeed, in the West Bank is horrific. It is an affront to human decency. In my view, the Government has been particularly strong in comparison with many other governments across the world in terms of the diplomatic, political and humanitarian response to this issue. I have noticed since the outset of the war that it has moved from one issue to another but the debate in Ireland seems to always focus on the Government not doing enough. We are almost dividing among ourselves on Ireland's stance and how strong it is vis-à-vis Palestine.

I was at the United Nations last week. There is no other place in the world, except in here, where people think the Government has not been strong enough.

Out there as well.

Sorry, at the United Nations or in any other country-----

What about in Palestine?

I did not interrupt.

The Taoiseach should ask the Irish people what they think.

In any other country, particularly those from Arab countries and the Palestinian Authority, people form queues after discussions to thank Ireland for its principled stand. That is what other countries say about Ireland. I include Jordan, Egypt - all of them. I am just saying that. It is only in here - maybe it is a good sign that people want us to be strong - we get the other kind of response.

We have been at the forefront of condemning what is going on in Gaza and the West Bank. I am seeking more effective ways than a football match, frankly, to try to change the Israeli direction and strategy. Israel's actions now through settlements in the West Bank threaten the two-state solution in a very serious way. We have availed of every opportunity within the EU and the international community to call for Israel to be held accountable. We have supported the International Criminal Court consistently. We have backed that up with very strong funding. During UN high-level week, I attended quite a number of sessions, including with the Global Alliance for the Implementation of the Two-State Solution and an event hosted by Emmanuel Macron, Mark Carney, Prime Minister Andy Burnham and the Saudi Arabian foreign minister to mark a year since the New York declaration of the comprehensive peace plan. We have repeatedly called for the European Commission to act. Our long-standing position is that the EU-Israel Association Agreement should be suspended or, at a minimum, that the trade elements be suspended. We will continue to work to maintain that particular focus.

We have provided very substantial funding to UNRWA and to Palestine more generally. We intervened, with Spain, in the South African International Court of Justice case against Israel under the Genocide Convention. We have made a submission to the International Court of Justice on the legal consequences of Israel's actions in the occupied Palestinian territories. We have co-sponsored resolutions at the UN General Assembly to implement the court's advisory opinion. We recognised Palestine as a sovereign independent state long before other states did so at the time of the New York declaration.

Sorry, I did not realise my time was up. In terms of football, I genuinely believe it was a decision to be made by the football community. We have supported the FAI to the tune of, I think, about €192 million over many years since the last serious debacle it had in respect of governance and so on. I appeal to people not to focus on the players. Some of the campaigns the players have been subjected to have been appalling and unnecessary.

That is down to you.

I hope I get a little bit of extra time. We all agree the players should not have been in that position. That is a unanimous view. The Government and the FAI put them in that position. I want to think of another player today, Natalie Abudayyeh, a Palestinian footballer who is in an Israeli jail. She played here in Ireland in 2024. Any Palestinians I have spoken to really would have appreciated Ireland pulling out of the game. One of them spoke about rats eating the bodies of people in Gaza right now. The people in Gaza have lost the will to live. That is the reality of a live genocide. I call on the players to send a message worldwide. It is fair enough to wear black armbands and whatever, but pulling out of that game would prevent sportswashing, and image matters to Israel. Since the Taoiseach goes on about how great everyone internationally thinks he is, why did the Irish delegation sit fixed and not walk out when a wanted war criminal with a warrant out for his arrest stood up and gave a speech courtesy of the UN? Why did the Irish delegation take that decision when the Taoiseach was standing up telling the whole world to act? If Russia were playing, the Taoiseach would disagree. He should disagree with Israel playing, and he should come out and call for them not to play. He should support the FAI and the team if they are willing to pull out on Sunday.

There are two things I would say. First, we never abstain at a UN General Assembly high-level week meeting. The whole essence of the United Nations is that every nation is there, irrespective of how badly it is behaving. We could walk out on quite a number of nations contributing at the United Nations, if the truth be told.

Yes.

The whole idea is to maintain some channels and dialogue. You listen, but you may not necessarily agree. We do not agree with Iran. I could name 101 countries that I might not agree with. Maybe it is not 100 but I could name quite a number of countries that I do not agree with. If everybody started walking out on everybody else in the UN, we would not have a UN.

There is a warrant for his arrest.

This is the classic, simplistic campaigning mode that some Members are constantly in.

He is a war criminal.

Once this passes, it will be something else. There is always another agenda and another issue. I understand fully that people are very angry. In Ireland, we are very angry, and I have made the point numerous times. We are angry because we understand. We want fair play, justice and self-determination for Palestinians, and we hate to see children being killed. That is natural and it is deep in the Irish psyche. We hate hunger and famine and we do everything we possibly can to end it. Let us be honest too. Deputy Coppinger said it matters to Israel. It does not matter to Israel. Benjamin Netanyahu could not give a toss whether Ireland plays a soccer match or not, so let us be a bit real.

Why did they send Yoseph Haddad there then?

They will listen to the US, though. They will listen if enough of a critical mass of countries can get together. That is the key.

Please conclude, Taoiseach.

Too many countries have been too slow in response to this, not at the football level but at the political level, the diplomatic level and the international level, and Europe has been divided. That is the problem.

Please conclude, Taoiseach.

We attended a meeting last week with four countries that were a year later than Ireland and Spain in recognising Palestine. The Deputy must admit deep down that that is where it lies, not with the football team.