I advise members of the constitutional requirement that they must be physically present within the confines of the Leinster House complex in order to participate in public meetings. I will not permit members to participate where they are not adhering to this constitutional requirement. Therefore, a member who attempts to participate from outside the precinct will be asked to the leave meeting. In this regard, I ask any member partaking via Microsoft Teams that, prior to making their contributions to the meeting, they confirm they are on the grounds of the Leinster House complex.

Members and witnesses are reminded of the long-standing parliamentary practice that they should not criticise or make charges against any person or entity, by name or in such a way as to make him, her or it identifiable, or otherwise engage in speech that might be regarded as damaging to the good name of the person or entity. Therefore, if their statements are potentially defamatory in relation to an identifiable person or entity, they will be directed to discontinue their remarks. It is imperative they comply with any such direction.

That all sounds very intimidating and hostile but it is just a little bit of housekeeping necessity. Everyone is very welcome and I warmly welcome our witnesses as Cathaoirleach and on behalf of all our members. Due to the nature of business in the Dáil on a Tuesday and a Wednesday, members will be coming and going. It is never meant disrespectfully. There is a lot of other business being transacted and the witnesses will have the members' full attention while they are here, along with that of the members who are attending remotely as well.

We have been very keen and anxious to have a discussion on Sudan. It has been very much on our agenda to do that. We are very mindful of the horrors that have been unfolding there. To have the presence of those here today is very much welcome and it is a meeting we have been keen to advance.

From the Sudanese Doctors' Union of Ireland, we have Dr. Rania Atta Ahmed, president; Dr. Sara Azhari Mohamed, interventional radiology fellow at Beaumont Hospital; and Mr. Wail Mohammed, consultant neurosurgery at Cork University Hospital. From GOAL, we have: Ms. Jennifer Farrelly, CEO; Mr. Colin Lee, director of programme and operations; and Mr. Ben Reynolds, country director for Sudan. The format of the meeting is that we will hear the opening statements, followed by a question and answer session with the members of the committee. I ask members to be concise in their questions to allow all members the opportunity to participate. The witnesses are very welcome here today and I now pass over to Dr. Rania Atta Ahmed to make her opening statement.

Good afternoon everyone. The Sudanese Doctors' Union of Ireland, SDUI, thanks the committee for this invitation and commends its initiative in organising this meeting to discuss the current situation in Sudan. It has been two and a half years since the start of the war, with more than 150,000 fatalities estimated, including indirect deaths caused by violence, disease, starvation, and the collapse of essential services across the country. The United Nations has described Sudan as facing the most devastating humanitarian and displacement crisis in the world, with millions displaced and extreme levels of violence against civilians.

The war has cut short a civilian-led democratic transition that began with the December 2018 revolution, driven largely by Sudanese youth. We believe that Ireland and the European Union have the power - through diplomacy, mediation, and peace building - to influence outcomes in Sudan. On the scale of the crisis, according to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, UNHCR, and Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, OCHA, more than 12 million people are displaced internally and externally, over 30 million people require humanitarian assistance and 21.2 million people face acute food insecurity. The Sudanese population is 46 million so that is nearly one in every two Sudanese people. The hunger crisis is expected to worsen as food stocks run out with the continuation of fighting.

Multiple media outlets and NGOs have reported grave violations, including documented war crimes, mass sexual violence in El-Fasher and across the country, ethnic cleansing, and the blockade of humanitarian aid. That is mainly by the Rapid Support Forces', RSF, armies. On the impact on health and education, around 70% of hospitals are out of service due to destruction, lack of supplies, and insecurity. There have been 189 verified attacks on healthcare workers and patients since April 2023, resulting in at least 1,670 deaths. At the end of October 2025, more than 460 patients and companions were reportedly killed at the Saudi Hospital in El-Fasher, again by the RSF.

Working in the health service has become extremely challenging due to severe shortages and insecurity. Colleagues report using mosquito nets and bed sheets as gauze, and surviving on animal feed. At least 600,000 people are in the town of Tawila in Darfur, creating a massive displacement crisis with limited access to water, sanitation, food, and healthcare. This is expected to worsen the cholera outbreak that was officially declared in August 2024, with more than 94,000 cases and over 2,300 deaths reported across the 18 states of Sudan. Children have been severely affected as well. According to the UNICEF, there are 243,000 children in one area suffering from severe malnutrition and 17 million children have been out of school since 2023.

Civilians are trapped between two armed forces with ongoing external backing. We urge Ireland and the international community to, number one, stop external support to the warring parties. The war is fuelled by foreign money, weapons and fighters. Weapons produced in EU states have reportedly been used in Sudan despite the embargo. A strict end-user control must be enforced to prevent this. We strongly condemn the direct regional and international military involvement, particularly the heavy involvement of the USA in fuelling the RSP. Number two is to protect civilians and ensure humanitarian access. Millions face starvation, displacement and extreme violence. We urge decisive action to ensure safe and sustained access for aid workers, to address sexual violence as a weapon of war, and to increase humanitarian funding. Number three is to lift financial restrictions in Ireland to facilitate humanitarian fundraising. The restriction on transactions involving the name "Sudan" severely limits the ability of Sudanese organisations to support trusted NGOs. Easing these restrictions would allow support for families, for hospitals, for education and for emergency response.

In conclusion, Ireland has a strong record in civilian protection of women's rights, conflict resolution and humanitarian action. Its neutrality and diplomatic credibility position it well to play a leading role in promoting peace, supporting a civilian-led process and protecting civilians. Every month of delay costs thousands of lives. The war is escalating and famine and systemic violence will worsen. Sudan's future depends on international action that supports the democratic path that its people are sacrificing everything for.

I thank Dr. Ahmed. We will now move to the CEO of GOAL, Ms Jennifer Farrelly, for her opening statement.

I thank the Cathaoirleach, an Teachtaí Dála, agus an Seanadóirí for the invitation to speak to the committee today and for their sustained attention on the escalating humanitarian crisis in Sudan. The committee's engagement comes at a moment when civilians are facing immense and rapidly deteriorating risks. GOAL is an international humanitarian organisation established in Ireland over 50 years ago. I am joined today by my colleagues, Colin Lee, director of programme and operations, and Ben Reynolds, country director Sudan. GOAL has worked in Sudan for over 35 years operating across multiple states through national partners and local community structures. We have over 200 GOAL staff currently on the ground. Our work focuses on health, nutrition, water and sanitation, food security, and emergency support to displaced persons. Today Sudan is experiencing one of the most severe humanitarian emergencies. Access to basic services has collapsed, markets have been disrupted or destroyed, and the price of staple foods has risen far beyond the reach of ordinary families. Malnutrition screenings carried out by our teams show sharply rising rates of acute malnutrition among young children, especially in areas receiving new influxes of displaced families. The regional impact is equally profound. Neighbouring countries already facing their own pressures are receiving large numbers of refugees fleeing the violence. In Renk in South Sudan the GOAL teams are supporting exhausted, malnourished and traumatised families who have crossed the border with nothing but the clothes on their backs. Our work there includes emergency health and nutrition support, water and sanitation services, and protection assistance for vulnerable groups including unaccompanied children.

Inside Sudan the human toll is staggering. In El Fasher alone credible estimates suggest that at least 60,000 people have been killed in the past month and as many as 150,000 to remain unaccounted for, including families who are not believed to have left the city. Many of our Sudanese colleagues are providing assistance while waiting for news of their own loved ones. One colleague from North Darfur described fleeing El Fasher as the siege intensified. It was five days walking for hours at a time, crossing front lines and navigating dangerous checkpoints. When she finally arrived in Tawila she immediately began supporting others and co-ordinating assistance for more than 3,000 displaced households, helping with water trucking, and contributing to malaria and dengue prevention. After some of the hardest days of her life she told us, "When the needs grow so too must the support".

Her story is not the exception. It reflects the lived reality of thousands of families and the extraordinary resilience of the Sudanese humanitarian workers who continue serving their communities despite personal loss, danger and displacement. Tawila alone has received up to half a million internally displaced people since April. Last month at least a further 70,000 people have arrived in visibly weakened condition, many presenting with acute malnutrition, dehydration, and profound psychological distress. For those who have worked in or followed Sudan for decades there is a painful sense of déjà vu. The violence again is falling on many of the same communities who suffered 20 years ago. Twenty years ago the world mobilised to protect those millions. Today, as many of the same communities face renewed violence, the international community cannot look away. Ireland cannot look away. We are deeply concerned that the suffering in El Fasher is not the end point but a dangerous milestone in a widening emergency and that further atrocities may unfold.

Despite these constraints our staff on the ground show up. Their resilience and grit are evident as they go about their day under very difficult circumstances. As CEO I would like to express my gratitude to them for their unwavering can-do and professional attitude. It is down to them that GOAL continues to adapt and deliver life-saving assistance, to deploy mobile health and nutrition teams where fixed facilities are unsafe, to relocate water sanitation and health, WASH, operations to major displacement hubs so that clean water and sanitation follow population movements; and to leverage community networks of midwives, health workers and volunteers for surveillance, rapid screening and safe referrals, reducing reliance on static facilities under threat.

GOAL has been able to respond quickly in our operational areas thanks to adaptive management and close collaboration with Irish Aid under Ireland's civil society partnership for a better world, ICSP, funding scheme. When famine risk escalated in South Kordofan and North Darfur Irish Aid provided a rapid business case that enabled us to pivot from long-term programming to life saving action through emergency response rooms. This is a Nobel peace prize-nominated community-led structure rooted in Sudanese traditions of neighbourhood solidarity. Through the emergency response rooms GOAL has helped provide daily meals to thousands of people at a moment of acute hunger and displacement, strengthening locally-led action when Sudanese responders were carrying out a disproportionate share of the burden. This is the humanitarian development peace nexus in practice: saving lives today while protecting the essential services and local systems that the communities can rely on tomorrow. Flexible Irish official development assistance, ODA, makes this possible every day. In this context Ireland has and will continue to have an important role. We call on the Government to intensify diplomatic engagement towards a peaceful resolution. We ask Ireland to use every available platform, including at the EU Council, UN forums and regional dialogues, to advocate for an urgent and peaceful resolution to the end of the conflict in Sudan. To champion protection and access we must use Ireland's diplomatic voice to urge all parties to: respect international humanitarian law; to protect civilians and aid workers; to guarantee safe, unhindered humanitarian access, including secure corridors to and from besieged areas such as El Fasher; to resource the response by increasing flexible multi-year funding for humanitarian programmes in Sudan, prioritising health systems to support nutrition, wash and protection; and to invest in local health authorities, women's groups and civil society partners.

Strengthening these systems aligns with Irish Aid and GOAL’s long-standing commitment to partnerships, systems thinking and adaptive management, and is essential to ensuring communities can withstand further shocks and recover.

Sudan's crisis is vast, complex and profoundly human. Behind every statistic are families who have lost homes, livelihoods and loved ones, yet continue to show courage and solidarity. With principled engagement, diplomatic pressure and sustained humanitarian support, Ireland can play a meaningful role in preventing further suffering and protecting civilian lives.

I thank both speakers. Because we have a public audience, we have been given briefing notes, but perhaps someone from the Sudanese Doctors Union of Ireland can explain who they are and what their work is.

We are a voluntary, non-profit, non-political organisation. We were established here in Ireland in 2010 and before that, we were part of the group of Sudanese doctors in the UK and Ireland. We are representing Sudanese doctors living in Ireland. Our mission is to ensure the welfare of our members, advocate for their rights, and take a leading role in their development and in the development of health services in Sudan. Our goal is to stand with all doctors and support them. Since the start of the conflict and war in Sudan, we have been getting more involved with what is going on in Sudan, working with our partners in the other doctors unions in the UK and America to find a way to take action to solve what is going on in Sudan.

I thank Dr. Ahmed. Time flies for the witnesses in a committee, generally speaking. There will be seven minutes for each interaction, which includes the questions and the answers. I ask everybody to keep an eye on the clock. There may be time at the end to deal with material we did not get through. It is not an interrogation, but time does move very quickly. I call Deputy Ó Fearghaíl.

I thank the witnesses for what has been a deeply distressing presentation. We are all conscious of the awful turmoil in the world today. We are particularly conscious, listening to them, of the fact that some of these travesties attract continuous international attention, when some tragedies that may be even worse than those that are on our screens each night of the week go, if not unnoticed, then certainly not highlighted to the extent that they should be. We know the history of Sudan, but the figures that the witnesses have instanced as to what people are experiencing today, the number of people at risk, the number of lives lost and the number of people displaced, are beyond description. I pay tribute to all who work in that terribly challenging environment.

Here in Ireland, we have been fixated, understandably, on what is going on in Ukraine and Gaza, but we have forgotten about Afghanistan, which three years ago we were very agitated about, and we have not yet turned our attention to the case outlined by the witnesses. Their presence here today, hopefully, will begin a focus on the part of the Irish political system on what is happening in Sudan. It is a focus that I am sure the witnesses would want us to lead forward towards Irish influence, in particular Irish influence at the United Nations and the European Union.

Has Trump’s appalling cut to USAID impacted on the situation in Sudan? Do the witnesses see any way in which we can appeal to more benign, humane interests in the United States to return to the table to provide the aid that country is capable of providing?

Is there anything this small country can do in our own right to assist, within our own budgets, resources and deployment of personnel? The Irish people are incredibly generous and they are always willing to respond, but they must see and understand before they can do that. What would the witnesses say to us regarding how we more effectively communicate with the Irish people about this crisis?

Does the leadership exist in Sudan to work towards a resolution of these difficulties? We met recently with Palestinian interests. I would certainly have been conscious of the fact that one of the great impediments to finding peace in Palestine, apart from the monster that is Netanyahu, is that there is no apparent leadership in existence among the Palestinian people. Are there leaders in Sudan prepared to step forward and be counted, and provide the sort of leadership that will lead it out of this insanity into a place of peace and prosperity?

I can answer part of that question. It is important for all of us to recognise what a difficult year it has been, not just in Sudan, but globally, in Ukraine and elsewhere in the world in forgotten crises. The worrying thing is that Sudan perhaps slips into that as a forgotten crisis.

These are not just US funding cuts globally. These are global funding cuts that we have seen in Europe with European partners over the past three years, including the Finns and Germans with multibillion euro cuts, with the UK Government losing one third of its overseas aid, and with the European Union down by €2 billion going into next year. It is significant all round, and we have yet to see the impact in 2026 of what they are going to yield. It has been an extremely disruptive year. There is a prioritisation, unfortunately, in terms of the crises that we all tackle, including Sudan and the needs from there, rightly so.

The Deputy points out the generosity of the Irish public. It is important to note two things. One is that the Irish Government has been steadfast in its funding for overseas aid into next year and has increased it by some €30 million. The second is that, in the latest survey, 73% of the public here recognise the importance of overseas development assistance and the difference it makes in those programmes.

We highlight the fact that we are going into a difficult year in 2026 and beyond. Things are changing within the sector, and we need to change with them. For the public sector, it is very important that we stress impact, numbers and where things actually work. Our CEO mentioned the emergency rooms in Sudan, which have been a success, as many of us will agree. It is important that we highlight those, and highlight the impact of all our work, both in Sudan and globally as well.

I will comment on the question about leaders. As doctors, we cannot make any strong political statements, but we believe that, as Sudanese, we have always come back after really hard times. We achieved three successful revolutions, toppling dictatorships, over the last 50 to 60 years. We believe there will be a path and a way for a Sudanese-led civilian resolution but, obviously, that cannot happen in isolation from all of the diplomacy and other things.

I am not aware whether the Trump block on USAID has impacted the work on the ground. There are certainly many obstacles in the way of humanitarian access, and that is affected by both parties in the war.

As an organisation and as doctors, we often try to do our best to get the aid there, but there are so many obstacles and this is where we hope the Irish Government will be able to help us.

I am glad we are having this session. I thank the witnesses for coming before us. I echo what Deputy Ó Fearghaíl has said. Unfortunately, this crisis has got some attention in this Parliament but not anywhere near enough. Particularly for those witnesses from Sudan or who have family connections there, I cannot imagine the grief they feel. It has been shocking and deeply upsetting to see the scenes we have seen in El-Fasher and other places and the slaughter that has happened. I cannot imagine what that is like for the witnesses but it is truly horrific.

My questions are primarily for the Sudanese Doctors Union of Ireland. I thank them for their contribution to Irish society, in our hospitals and elsewhere. This conflict is being fuelled by external actors to a very substantial degree. There seems at times to be a reluctance on the part of some western governments to be explicit about precisely who are the external actors that are fuelling it. I am aware that it is not the only one but it seems that the United Arab Emirates is above and beyond other countries in terms of its contribution. When we talk about the importation of arms or arms being provided, sometimes it is not acknowledged widely enough that this is not small in scale and does not involve simple weaponry. Is it fair to say that this involves very large-scale and sophisticated weaponry?

The other question concerns something I do not totally understand. Tens of thousands of people have left El-Fasher but hundreds of thousands are unaccounted for. To the best of our understanding, what is the situation for civilians in El-Fasher and the surrounding areas?

I will answer the first question and let Mr. Mohammed answer the second question. Investigations by Amnesty International and independent journalists have documented the presence of European-manufactured weapons systems and ammunition in Sudan, including French-designed defence systems mounted on armed vehicles and Bulgarian-made mortar shells used in conflict areas. These findings indicate diversion or re-export of European military equipment to Sudan despite long-standing UN and EU arms embargos. These are reports from Amnesty International published in 2024 and 2025. This is not a civil war. It is not an internal war. There is a financial and arms supply to the RSF that has kept it going for over two years. We know from evidence that the United Arab Emirates has been involved in that. It is beyond me why there is hesitancy among the international community and the EU, including the Irish Government, about condemning this practice by the United Arab Emirates. It is also very ironic that the United Arab Emirates is fuelling the conflict but, at the same time, there are reports of peace mediation, which does not make sense.

Regarding the numbers of unaccounted people missing in El-Fasher, going by what happened over the past two and a half years, particularly the massacre in el-Geneina in April 2023, the numbers probably match. Those people have been probably abducted or killed. Due to historical context and the pattern of the conflict, particularly in Darfur, ethnic background indicates that, in certain areas, the RSF intensifies its tactics against civilians based on racial discrimination. These figures are not really exaggerated. If we go by all the figures that have been published over the past year and a half, particularly about similar massacres in el-Geneina and the surrounding Darfur region, it indicates that it will only get worse.

Is it Mr. Mohammed's understanding that, whereas a couple of weeks ago the international media was focused on the fall of El-Fasher and the fallout from that, as we sit here today, people are still being killed daily on the basis of their ethnicity?

Yes. The problem is that it captured El-Fasher six weeks ago and is moving in that region so it is going to follow on in the cities surrounding El-Fasher. There have been reports from Ed Daein and neighbouring villages around El-Fasher that the RSF is targeting those and eventually this is what it is aiming to do. It is aiming to expand its presence in the region and eventually separate the region from Sudan.

That is a concern for me. We had a briefing with the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade. We would be very concerned about any issues in terms of repartition. The committee should be encouraging the Irish Government to take a more robust approach to the United Arab Emirates.

I thank GOAL for the work it is doing on the ground and the courage of the aid workers because it is a very challenging and dangerous environment. Regarding intensifying diplomatic engagement towards an urgent and peaceful resolution, are there any individual examples of initiatives the Irish Government should be taking?

There is a vote in the Seanad. Can I ask for agreement that Deputy Duncan Smith take the Chair? Agreed.

Could the Deputy repeat the question?

I thank GOAL for the work that has been done and the courage on the ground. Point one of the demands involves intensifying diplomatic engagement towards an urgent and peaceful resolution at the European Council and UN forums. What is the most obvious action the Irish Government has not taken that it could take at any of those forums to contribute to peace?

It boils down to continued pressure to ensure engagement starts to happen. I know there have been attempts in the past number of months but the narrative needs to be kept up across the EU and the UN. We encourage the Irish Government to continue to do that.

When I knew the witnesses were coming before us, I read with huge interest the history of Sudan, the history of Ireland and Sudan going back to 1880 and how the Mahdi stimulated the Irish revolutionaries. It is a huge part of our history as well and our hearts go out to the witnesses and their nation.

I do not want to be patronising but I am a huge fan of GOAL. I have seen at first hand what it does on the ground. It is incredible. Ordinary men and women are putting their lives in danger every day of the week and that is not included in their wage packet. They are going out there to try to solve problems. I would like to discuss the role of the EU. I am confused and almost annoyed that, on the one hand, the EU is shouting loudly and, to be fair, is giving money towards the cause while, on the other hand, it is allowing nations in the EU to supply arms to those who are ramping up the killing of women and children.

Will the witnesses comment on the EU's stance at the moment?

It is confusing and this is not only recent; it has been going on for a while. In 2014 and 2015, the EU was involved in support to the Rapid Support Forces, RSF, which is a rebranding of the group known as the Janjaweed which was involved in the genocide in Darfur in 2003. As part of the EU policy to try to mitigate mass immigration, it financed the RSF to control the borders of Sudan and Libya. Therefore, the RSF was funded previously through the Khartoum process, which definitely gave Hemedti some legitimisation and enforced its forces. It is confusing for us, as Sudanese, to understand the EU's role in that. However, at the same time we still believe in the Irish influence in the EU. We were involved in the past with the permanent mission of Ireland to the UN in Geneva and it has been supportive in terms of connections we made with humanitarian organisations and in putting us in contact with the fact-finding mission of the UN.

At the moment, we are also focused on trying to compile evidence of the atrocities to try to get to some sort of accountability at some point. We know war crimes are being committed in Sudan at the moment and we would like to see solid evidence there so that those who are responsible will be held to account for the atrocities.

My next question is for Goal. I think the figure the Irish Government has committed is approximately €14 million. Will the Goal representatives explain the structure to me? From being involved in supporting aid, I feel the first step is getting the funding and there has been a commitment to getting the funding. The second is to get it across the border. Are trusted, recognised, transparent groups - like Goal - which have the capacity there? We are talking about millions of people who need the support. Is the infrastructure there?

The contribution of the Irish Government to the people in Sudan is hugely valuable. One of the ways we have been able to ensure we are able to support the communities that really need it is through the independent, trustworthy way of working, wherever possible. At other times, we are working with the ministry of health in order to strengthen systems and build up the health facilities there. However, we need to navigate this in a transparent and independent way that is community focused in the end. We are not the only organisation doing that. As organisations, we all need to support one another in this. We cannot be distracted while having to negotiate access and figure out ways to physically access the communities that are separated from our assistance. We are having to be creative in the way we do that. We are absolutely committed to making sure we sustain that so we can spend this in the most efficient and impactful way possible.

To be clear, I am not undermining what Goal is doing, but are there enough agencies like Goal, if we ask for the ramp up in funding, that can roll this out? To be clear, I mean agencies that are trusted, recognised and transparent.

Yes, absolutely. There is a significant number of organisations that are doing similar work to ours. Sudan is such a large country that we cannot cover everything. We need to be clear that we are doing what we are able to, but we are all different people working in different parts of the field in the way we are working. It is important that we recognise that. We have co-ordination mechanisms in the country to make sure we are working in a way that does not overlap, but complements one another in the way this is happening. There is a significant number of international organisations which are capable, but also a significant number of national organisations and civil society structures that are capable and which we, as international organisations, need to support to be able to deliver assistance to their communities.

On the general funding going there, is it emergency aid - water and the basics - that is needed or are we looking at the restructuring of the likes of hospitals? I am looking at figures that 70% of hospitals are out of use.

It is both. We need to meet the critical needs immediately, but we also need to look to the future, because there is a future for Sudan. That is absolutely clear. We need to make sure we do things in a way that will provide for that future, while also making sure the lifesaving activities are ongoing at the same time.

It is my turn now. I will use the first few minutes or however long it takes for Mr. Mohammed to answer Deputy Brennan's queries.

I want to follow up on the important question the Deputy asked about transparency and track record of the local partners. We learned the hard way. We never had this scale of war before, but we have been blessed with the initiative coming from the ground. I was privileged to be in Sudan fewer than five months ago as part of a humanitarian mission through our colleagues in the Sudanese American Association. I have had a bit of a feel of how it is being executed. To follow up on what was said by our colleagues in Goal, there has to be some sort of collaboration. The capacity is there. The need is there and most of the work is done through grassroots initiatives, which tell us exactly what is needed rather than us telling them what is best for them. The domains that are mainly affected now are emergency response for crises or outbreaks, emergency aid and capacity building, which has been extended in recent months. We do not want to do work and leave; we want the area to benefit from our work and continue to flourish, even after we cease to support the people. My final point is that the reconstruction and refurbishment of the medical facilities that have been destroyed in the past two and a half years will be required.

Deputy Brennan mentioned that 70% of hospitals are out of service. We are not talking about building new hospitals. We are talking about very small changes that will make a hospital operational again, such as fuel for generators because the power supply is not available. Solar panels will make a big difference, as will even small basic life-support equipment to tackle the trauma patients who are coming. The medical personnel who are working there do not get any salaries. They do not even have accommodation to sleep in so even small funds can make a big change in one of those hospitals.

My question is for both groups. What kinds of restrictions are in place on international media in Sudan and getting the story out? We hear about it through the ODA organisations like the witness organisations, but there seems to be a chasm of detail coming through international media. Can the witnesses speak about any restrictions in place regionally in Sudan as regards media getting in and being able to report what is happening?

I am not too sure to be precise, but it is mainly safety concerns that impede journalists or reporters from going. Part of the problem is not particularly the media coming out of Sudan; it is that our mind is only oriented to one headline at a time.

Yes, it is more about editorial decisions being made here than restrictions.

I think so and that is global. It is nothing to do with Ireland. We cannot fault it.

That is an important point.

I echo exactly what our colleague has said. There is the safety aspect of how people speak about the conflict, especially in such highly militarised situations. People are being cautious for their own safety but really it is about how much this is being picked up. It goes back to the original comment about how much attention this is getting, which is lacking in the end.

This is an important point to get across, which we can bring to media organisations when we are speaking to them. Ireland has a role to play in bringing pressure in the European Union. Arms from EU countries are finding their way into the conflict. With regard to Ireland's relationships in the EU and its relationship with the United Arab Emirates, where Ireland has developed strong economic and political ties over the past 20 years, I understand the GOAL representatives might be restricted in what they can say. We all understand Ireland's good record on voting but in terms of other levers Ireland can pull, is there anything the witnesses would like to see in public statements to fellow EU states or to the United Arab Emirates? I do not want to single out the UAE but it stands out in Ireland's relationships.

Diplomacy definitely works and pressure always works. We know that up to now the EU and the international community has been deliberately ignoring the role of the UAE in the war. I do not think any solution can move forward without addressing this issue. Ireland in particular, given its economic and diplomatic relationship with the UAE, can definitely put pressure on, and can put similar questions to, the UAE Government and take it into account, especially with the presence of very strong evidence from independent academic and humanitarian organisations of the UAE's influence in the war. Definitely some political and diplomatic pressure on the UAE from the Irish Government - and the EU, hopefully - will work. Up to now we have not seen this happening and I do not think this has been accidental. It is probably deliberate.

To fill in the gaps in my understanding, what role is the African Union playing? We speak about the EU's role and that of the west but what role is the African Union playing in the conflict?

My understanding is that the African Union has been a mediator in most of the negotiations that have happened over the past two and a half years. It was supportive of the initial mediation in Jeddah, which was only a few months after the war broke out. It has supported the Quad attempts to bring the two warring parties to sit down. Unfortunately, I do not think the African Union has big leeway in this and it does not have significant weight but it has been supportive of most of the negotiations that have taken place over the past two and half years.

In her statements Ms Farrelly spoke about El-Fasher not being the end but being just another milestone. It is probably worth noting also there was an attack over the weekend on a UN facility in Abyei. This marks another escalation in the killing of peacekeepers. In terms of the humanitarian situation and humanitarian facilities, is there protection of civilian camps or IDP camps that have been established by the UN, which the likes of GOAL is operating in? Are they overcrowded? Have we seen massive displacement which has put strain on these camps? UNOCHA spoke about a 36% funding gap. Is GOAL seeing increased commitments from its donors in the UN pool system for addressing these funding gaps?

In terms of the safety of medics and humanitarian staff, have we seen a targeting of humanitarian staff by the RSF and the SAF? What impact is this having on their safety and their ability to safely conduct operations and for doctors to safely conduct their medical work?

My next question is on the impact of sexual violence and high level of rape. What impact is this having on women and girls? I assume that boys and men have also been impacted by it. What structures, if any, exist in terms of emergency psychosocial support in the communities?

GOAL spoke about emergency response rooms. What capacity there is to take this nexus approach and scale it out more broadly, should the funding exist for this model to be laterally scaled to other communities?

To start on the question of the displacement sites, it is not the same kind of protection of civilian sites as we might see in South Sudan because there is not an active peacekeeping mission in Darfur. It is much more informal. One of the places we work is in Tawila, where the majority of people fled from El-Fasher. It is massively overcrowded and experiencing significant challenges. Humanitarian support is able to access these people but it is very strained. As we have seen, the new displacement coming from El Fasher has made the needs even more strained and there are challenges in this.

The cases of sexual and gender-based violence is an atrocious situation. We have some programming for support and survivor-centred support. We are also making some referrals in order to be able to provide psychosocial support. The reality for people in Sudan is that everybody is affected in terms of the psychosocial needs and the trauma of the situation. Every time I have a report from staff about there being a drone overhead I can sense their concern and we have to try to manage this on a daily basis.

We have a constant working relationship with the emergency response rooms. We, along with other organisations, have provided assistance to them. At times the aim has been that we would not completely overflood them. They have been able to access places we have not at various times. We aim to be able to utilise them as much as possible.

What we know is that there have been 189 verified attacks on healthcare workers. We believe this number is far from the reality. The actual reporting in the war started after the attack on El-Fasher. For the past two and a half years there have been multiple attacks in Khartoum, Gezira and other parts of the country and there is no reporting about them. On a daily basis we hear about colleagues we know personally. Some of them have died or have been injured or attacked. The number is not real and the reality is more than this.

On the question about sexual violence, there are civil organisations working with the UN on reporting and offering support all over the country but due to the lack of resources and the lack of reporting a lot is missing from this. It is not optimal.

I know everyone else has mentioned it but I appreciate how difficult it is for the witnesses to speak about this and do their advocacy. We really appreciate them coming here today and sharing this. We are very cognisant that this has been under-reported, which is why it is so important for the committee to have a session on this and see how we can highlight the issue in Ireland.

My next question is on the arms embargo violations we are seeing and the weapons going into the country.

I know that this might be saying the obvious, but could the impact on daily life beyond the more high-profile clashes between the SAF and the RSF be spoken about? Does this mean lots of weapons moving around communities? In a broader sense, are there increased rates of crime beyond the explicit clashes? What will be the long-term impact of those weapons being in the country?

Surprisingly enough, despite all these weapons in the country, the civil community remains peaceful. Very few crimes are being committed outside the two warring parties. Basically, the weapons are being used by the RSF and it is the main offender using them. Looking into the history, I think the long term is that this is going to empower the RSF in its target of the genocide. It is not just an aspiration to govern. It has a target of genocide and it is a racially motivated genocide. This is not the end of it because we know now that Kordofan is on the way to being another El-Fasher. There is El-Obeid, Babanusa, and SAF is defending Kadugli and Al-Dalanj. All these areas are under the risk of being another El-Fasher. I have to highlight again that although El-Fasher only came to the surface due to the recent massacre, it has been under siege for the last 18 months. There is a UN-declared famine there, so more than half the population is under severe malnutrition. The impact of these weapons is going to be augmented in the near future if nothing is being done at the EU and international community level.

I go back to the emergency response rooms. It sounds like a very elaborate name and a room with all sorts of technology and everything in it, but it is very simple. It is within a community, and most of the people attending it who are providing the food are women from that community. We would have a request in terms of the donors in general that they share the risk with the organisations and partners so we are not just taking the risk ourselves. It is very important. It is not just for Sudan, because we are seeing this in Gaza and other places, where the front lines are shifting, access is really difficult and there is a duty of care for staff. It is really important that we support those emergency rooms because they are a way of moving forward into the future.

I might take up where we finished in terms of the emergency response rooms and the civil society structures in general, because the community support structures were so strong. It is very sad. I remember meeting civil society back in 2018 in the moment of hope there was then in relation to an incredible peaceful revolution that was successful in Sudan. There was a really vibrant civil society. I know doctors and young people were very much a part of it. How do we support civilians and civil society? There is a huge humanitarian piece and I am happy to hear a little bit more about how we can support the response rooms from that perspective. I am also interested to hear about how we build that in terms of supporting civilians and civil society in a particular context where I feel there was a failure by the international community at the point where we had a peaceful revolution and there was that point of a 50:50 situation and the discussion of what could be. It seemed there was more of a focus on putting strictures and rules in place and looking for debt repayment and things like that from a new, fragile government rather than focusing on how to strengthen civilian society. What can be learned in terms of strengthening civil society and providing that groundwork? I am referring to civil society on the ground in Sudan and civil society in terms of the diaspora that is there. I know this is a really crucial point at the moment. I would like to get a comment on this aspect.

This also connects with the lessons learned aspect, which is important. Dr. Mohamed spoke about the fact that the EU migration policies did lead to funding for the RSF. It is kind of clear that there was funding that went that way. We have also seen human rights abuses in Libya. Is this something Ireland also needs to be taking forward? As well as the pressure in terms of naming and engaging and applying proper pressure on the UAE, is there a need for an actual level of demanding a little bit of critical self-assessment from the European Union? I am referring to three levels in this regard. One would be in terms of it not letting its migration concerns get in the way of the proper humanitarian justice actions needed now. The other is that we know there is a massive increase in arms spending planned at EU level. I sit on the finance committee and we were quite concerned that there seemed to be a lack - I think it was mentioned in one of the presentations - of proper end user analysis in terms of what are the end user restrictions regarding where weapons being funded will end up. I am referring to learning from those two elements.

There is then the third piece around supporting civil society. What needs to be learned? What should Ireland be pushing through in terms of challenging the EU to properly critically evaluate, learn from and improve its response?

I thank Senator Higgins. Before an answer is given, there is a vote in the Seanad. Can I get agreement from the committee that Deputy Duncan Smith would take the Chair temporarily? Is that agreed? Agreed.

I thank Senator Higgins for her question. Before I answer it, I have to highlight that there is a massive role for the Sudanese people themselves. Yes, we are looking for support, to highlight the issues and for EU and Irish empowerment of the civil society, but there is a significant role for the Sudanese people themselves. As my colleague, Dr. Mohamed, said in her last answer, luckily our social fabric has not been destroyed completely. I think there has to be some sort of Sudanese-to-Sudanese dialogue that will eventually lead to some sort of answers to our own trouble. This does not, though, take away from the fact there has been some interference. The external and regional factors are not insignificant. Regarding the EU, and Ireland in particular, and they have been helpful in the revolution - we met on numerous occasions during the peaceful protest outside Leinster House - we know that empowering social and civil society and civil organisations, especially abroad, leads to good results. The track record is there.

Our example is really rooted in the 2018 revolution and we know that our track record is very positive. Our collaborations between the youth, the women, the grassroots initiatives and ourselves in the diaspora would always lead to good results in terms of whether we tackle our problems with healthcare issues or these scenarios where the war is taking place in Sudan. I think we have learned in the past that empowering the civilians in general and particularly civil society, and supporting and enabling them to lead more on this, has given us positive results in the past. If we repeat that again, I think we are probably promised good results again. I will let Dr. Mohamed talk about the second part.

Yes, the EU in terms of what Ireland can bring.

Again, I think the EU can play a very crucial role in trying to mitigate risk and empower civilians and all that. I do not have any specific suggestions but I am sure that from diplomatic and political points of view, there is a lot to be done.

Going back to the part of the Senator's question where she talked about diaspora civilians, the diaspora and serving members of SDI, obviously, as Sudanese working abroad, we have been living with this survival guilt for a very long time. We have been going to our work every day carrying the burden of worrying about our loved ones and our country on our shoulders. There are a few things that maybe the Irish Government can do to support the Sudanese doctors' community. One of them is fast-tracking the applications of Sudanese doctors for Irish Medical Council registration and then finding jobs here. This is because there are so many displaced doctors who now need jobs to support their families.

The process of registration and relocating to Ireland where there are vacancies has also been a little bit slow. With the processing of family visit visas for doctors here, there has been a lot of delay in getting a response and decisions on applications for first degree relative visas, for example, for doctors who are working in Ireland. The delays are very distressing and add to the overall stress and anxiety experienced by doctors. There are a few things with which the Irish Government can help.

Will the witnesses please comment on the role of emergency response rooms in terms of the civil society role. In one of the opening statements there was mention of the importance of proper tracking in terms of the end user piece on weapons. With regard to resolution 1325 and role of women in civil society, there seems to be a tendency in the peace process towards moving back towards a power down peace process versus a ground up peace process. Is that something Ireland could particularly champion? Ireland should do so as it seems to be the international trend in peace processes where there seems to be a loss of learning about what will work. Will the witnesses please comment on the emergency and civil society aspects, and on the end user piece?

The Senator is a good bit over time so I ask witnesses to be very brief. We can come back to the issue.

Yes, and I apologise for coughing so much.

Maybe I cannot go too in-depth on the emergency response rooms but I will give a very short statement. We have over 200 Sudanese staff. In every conversation I have with them I realise that the hope for Sudan is in the Sudanese people. As was mentioned by colleagues, there has not been breakdown of civil society and we are able to see that this is still there. Throughout all of these absolutely brutal things that have happened, there are still people who are committed to building a new Sudan.

I do not have anything to add.

I will list the members who have not contributed yet. Senator O'Loughlin is online but does not want to contribute. I call Deputy Noel McCarthy.

The delegations are very welcome. I thank the witnesses for their statements, which are very concerning. I hate saying it but the conflict in Sudan has been forgotten about due to other international conflicts. The statements today remind people about the conflict in Sudan.

Will the witnesses please outline the current state of Sudan's health system, particularly in conflict affected regions like Darfur and Khartoum. Are attacks in hospitals on medical staff isolated incidents or part of a wider pattern?

As we have mentioned, it is really hard for us to get a grasp of the whole picture because of poor reporting. We do not know what exactly is happening on the ground but there definitely have been a lot of attacks on the healthcare system and healthcare workers. We believe that the attack in Khartoum, for example, is not a scattered incident but a targeted attack, especially as the RSF think that doctors treat the soldiers of other armies. Please repeat the last question.

Are attacks in hospitals on medical staff isolated incidents or part of a wider pattern?

We do not believe they are isolated incidents because there are too many and we think that all of these attacks could have been avoided.

Yes. Do the witnesses think the International Criminal Court has a role to play? If so, what is currently missing? What can small states like Ireland realistically do to support justice efforts in Sudan?

Yes, the International Criminal Court definitely has a role and the problem is that the legal aspect of its processing is very slow. Recently, an individual who was involved in the Darfur genocide in 2003 was convicted, which is very encouraging for us. This is why I said earlier that the support of the UN fact-finding mission is very important because there is a deliberate intention to destroy evidence to which the attacks on healthcare workers are related. The reason doctors and nurses are targeted is that they can report fatalities and injuries and the RSF does not want these reports to come out.

Sometimes we get access to footage. The RSF fighters were brutal enough to film some of their victims and post the reels on social media but after a while all of that evidence disappears, which we think is a deliberate effort to destroy evidence because the RSF wants to avoid accountability. There is a lot of work to be done on compiling evidence and protecting healthcare workers because they are the legitimate source of information in this war.

How do the witnesses assess Ireland's political, diplomatic and humanitarian response to date?

We think it has been positive so far. The numbers are encouraging. Ireland still lags behind and more can be done. The increase in funds in the last year when compared with this year is positive but we are far from the target.

I have a final question for GOAL. Are aid convoys or facilities being deliberately impeded or targeted?

I will quickly make an initial comment in response to the question on healthcare. There are multiple layers. There is the individual facility, the people who access the facility and the Ministry of Health over all of that. On multiple levels there are issues with the facilities in terms of the obstructions, funding and increase in cases that are being admitted. There is also the issue that we saw in north Darfur, which is that when the state capital was obstructed the Ministry of Health really struggled. There are affects and it is not just an individual case of every single facility. It impacts every single facility that is supposed to administer healthcare across the State. We saw that very directly in the facilities that we support as GOAL. We have tried to support a system that has then completely collapsed.

In terms of obstruction, Sudan is a complex environment. We talk about two sides, and that is true, but there is a huge number of different parties. At times there has been obstruction of humanitarian assistance. Sometimes this has been active and sometimes it has been passive through administrative procedures, for example. Other times it has been because one needs to go through ten different people to be able to get access for the convoy and then it turns out that it is not the right piece of paper or something like that. These are the things that take up a huge amount of effort and human resources to be able to engage in order to manage that because we do have areas in Sudan that have not been able to receive supplies for many months. That is a serious issue in terms of being able to provide support.

It is a serious issue. Again, I thank the witnesses for outlining the position in Sudan.

Most of my questions have been asked but perhaps the witnesses could add to their responses. There is meant to be an arms embargo yet arms manufactured in Europe and the United States and sold by European countries are still getting in to Sudan. How is that happening? I mentioned the US in passing but we have not really commented on it yet. What is the witnesses' assessment of the role of the US in all of this? It has a very close connection with the United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia and various other countries in the region. The envoy to Africa, Massad Fares Boulos, produced a proposal some weeks ago but it was very substantially rejected by the Sudanese Government. That proposal has been set aside now. The Sudanese doctors here expressed concerns in relation to the role of the United Arab Emirates in the quad. Is there a better way for the international community to organise itself to increase the pressure and facilitate some sort of dialogue with a view to delivering peace? One concern is that both the Government and the RSF seem to believe that they can succeed and therefore, the conflict could continue indefinitely, but perhaps that is not the case. Would the witnesses have any optimism that a peaceful resolution is possible in the medium term?

It is a bit tricky for a trade union to have a very solid political opinion on these matters but our moral obligation, as medical professions, is to support the peaceful resolution of this. History has already taught us that there has not been any military or armed conflict in Sudan over the past 75 years that has been settled with arms. They were all settled through mediation or peace talks. If we have learned anything from history, that is probably the right answer. That is the only hope and the shorter road to ending this conflict. We do not have a strong opinion on which of the mediation efforts are best suited but we know that there has been a breakdown in communication between the Sudanese armed forces and government and the quad, which includes the United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia. There have been efforts by the US and the Saudi Administrations to replace the quad. This is connected to the relationship between the Sudanese armed forces and the leadership in Saudi Arabia rather than anything else.

Do the representatives from GOAL want to respond to the question on the arms embargo and how it is being circumvented? Do they have any sense of that?

We are in a similar position to the Sudanese Doctors Union of Ireland in that it is not our role to be commenting on or taking a political position on this. One of the key issues in terms of what has been said about the US involvement is that there has been much talk about a ceasefire and while we all want to see a ceasefire, there also needs to be peace. It is absolutely essential that peace is the objective. It is not just that we want a pause in the fighting. There needs to be something lasting in the end.

I appreciate that Mr. Reynolds cannot comment on political matters. I was more interested in the technical side of how it might be circumvented but I understand his position.

My questions are quite similar to those of Deputy Ó Laoghaire. They relate to the question of peace and how we can try to move it on. Is there any role that Ireland can play, however small? We have been there and have had our own Troubles here. As the witnesses rightly say, the only way is through the ballot box and not through the bullet. The only way is to sit down and talk and, if needs be, to have elections. In terms of a resolution, first there must be humanitarian access. That is a key point and that is where the witnesses will obviously play a huge role. The second issue is to stop the external funding and provision of arms to the parties involved. Then there is a need to bring the two parties, the SAF and the RSF, together but critically, it must be led by the Sudanese people. That is key. It must be led by the people on the ground themselves but are the people there? I welcome what the witnesses have said about the willingness of key people on the ground but are they capable of moving things forward? That is not a political question. The witnesses are on the ground and they know what is going on. Do they believe the key characters are on the ground who can help to move things on and get to a place of peace?

Yes, definitely. Sudanese civilians are very tired, if not exhausted, and are hugely impacted by this war. We are very privileged here to live in safety but talking to friends and family on the ground it is clear that all that they want is to go back to their normal lives. We know that is not going to be easy but for any peace process to move forward, the external military and financial support to either of the two warring parties has to stop. That needs strong political pressure. Basically, the US, the EU and the international community has to decide that their economic and political partnerships with countries like the UAE, are less important than Sudanese human lives. At the moment, that is not the case. We know that the international community can put pressure on various countries and not just the UAE. We know that Russia, through the Wagner Group, has also been fuelling this. There have been Russian fighters on the ground and all of that is related to the Sudanese gold mines. There is a lot to be done but it will require strong political pressure from the international community. Sudanese civil society cannot move forward unless the external financial and military support for the war is stopped.

That is the key point. My worry is that some of the stakeholders involved in trying to set up the quad are actually supplying arms to the warring parties.

Yes, exactly. That is exactly the situation.

That is a serious problem.

Yes, exactly. Their stated intentions are not in line with their actions and that is a problem. There are also divisions within the Sudanese community, obviously, but they are easier to mitigate if the external factors are halted. All Sudanese people want prosperity for their country but unless the external factors are removed, there is no hope that any peace will move forward.

Does Dr. Mohamed see a light at the end of the tunnel?

The light we are trying to rely on is what we have seen coming from the Sudanese people in times of difficulty. As Sudanese doctors we are hopeful when we see the number of people volunteering on the ground, the number of people risking their lives to work on the ground and the number of people donating. When we make an appeal to the Sudanese community in Ireland, for example, to donate for campaigns back home we see that people are willing to do that. People came together before to try to make things work during the revolution. Today, 16 December, is the anniversary of the 2018 uprising. That is when the uprising and revolution started. We have also seen how the community can collaborate. The essential elements are there; they just need to be reinforced by diplomatic and political movement.

Finally, I have a statement rather than a question. I do not understand why this war is not being highlighted more. It is an absolute monster. It is the mother of all wars and it is so wrong that it is not being highlighted more.

The witnesses coming in today is really appreciated. It is up to us to try to push for further supports.

Sudan has really been mistreated by the world going back to the scramble for Africa times in terms of the external actors who have tried to meddle and find the resources that have been able to be extracted. That is one of the things that makes the assembling of something to manage peace so difficult. It comes back to the key role that Ireland plays. One thing I appreciate so much about Ireland's foreign policy right now is that it is not trying to turn humanitarian assistance into something that is an instrument of foreign policy. We are keeping a focus on humanitarian need and on the communities and not on how to advance our own interests.

I thank the witnesses. This not a full stop to our work here; it is just the beginning. I thank all of the witnesses for coming in, for their detailed opening statements, for their forthrightness and for the detail with which they answered the questions. Not to put them on the spot, but if anyone has anything that is on their mind, respond to an unanswered question from the previous hour and a half or something they want to say that they have not, I will open the floor for a couple of minutes, if that is the case. If not, we can call the meeting to a halt.

I thank the committee very much again for the invite. I want to highlight one thing. We have all talked about how the situation is at the moment. Unfortunately, there is potential for things to get worse if nothing is done. There has been a recent forum at the humanitarian research lab at Yale School of Public Health, where Nathaniel Raymond is the executive director. It has been collecting intelligence data for the US Government. They are anticipating that the war will be affected by the seasons. Although there are SAF-controlled areas and RSF-controlled areas in Sudan at the moment, things can change a lot. We have seen this coming. Therefore, it is not enough to say that the situation is very bad now. Our biggest fear is that we are not at the worst point. Things could get much worse if nothing is done, and that is our main worry.

That is a particularly stark and important point to leave this on. I know Deputy Brennan was looking for a bit of hope at the end but this is-----

The reality.

-----the reality. I thank the witnesses again. With that last contribution in particular ringing in our ears, it is hoped it will inform our future continued work on this. We are in the witnesses' hands in terms of calling on the SDUI for further work and contributions. They should please feel free to continue to engage. We would really appreciate it. I thank them for everything they have done for us today.