We welcome the Minister of State, Deputy Richmond, to the House.

I greatly appreciate the opportunity to provide members with an update on recent international developments. This is perhaps the vaguest description of a debate in the Seanad, certainly in my ten years in the Oireachtas, but it is perhaps also the most pertinent because not a morning passes when we do not look at our mobile phones in dread and fear of what has happened or been posted on social media. As a result, we are all aware that we continue to face an unprecedented and unpredictable geopolitical context.

The year 2026 has been a particularly challenging period for international relations, nowhere more so than in the Middle East. In January, we saw the violent suppression of protests in Iran with thousands of Iranians killed by their own government. This was quickly followed by the US and Israeli attack on Iran, and retaliatory attacks by Iran, which rapidly engulfed much of the region in conflict and uncertainty. This escalated to include the reopening of conflict between Israel and Hezbollah and the involvement of Iran-allied militias in Iraq and Yemen. At least 15 countries suffered attacks, with widespread targeting of civilian infrastructure. Many lives have been lost, and many more in the region and around the world have been impacted directly and indirectly by this conflict. Throughout it, Ireland has clearly stated the importance of international law, and that all parties in any conflict must abide by international humanitarian law. Last year was the deadliest year on record for humanitarian workers around the world.

We have welcomed the ceasefires between the US and Iran, and between Israel and Lebanon, even if they are perhaps not the most consistent of ceasefires. We urge all parties, where best possible, to preserve these ceasefires. Ireland has condemned the recent missile and drone attacks by Iran on the United Arab Emirates. We call for serious diplomatic efforts to continue and intensify with the aim of achieving lasting peace and wider regional security. Freedom of navigation must be resumed, and international law must be upheld. The ongoing disruption of the Strait of Hormuz is causing economic damage and disruption around the world. We have seen the impacts here in Ireland, and we are also seeing the serious impacts on those least able to afford it around the world. At this point, finding an agreement to allow the free passage of shipping through the Strait of Hormuz will be key to enabling further negotiations and to unlock flows of energy and other critical goods that would normally flow through the strait.

Ireland shares the real and widespread concerns about Iran's nuclear programme and other destabilising policies. Iran must never be allowed to develop a nuclear weapon, and must end its support for Russia's war of aggression in Ukraine and to militant groups around the region.

In Lebanon, I am deeply concerned by the continued targeting of civilians, including healthcare workers, rescue workers and journalists. The displacement of communities and the establishment of a depopulated buffer zone in Lebanon by Israel is not and never will be acceptable. We are also very conscious of our troops in UNIFIL, both their own safety and their ability to help protect the Lebanese people. We are also very concerned for the families and loved ones of our troops, many of whom waved off the people they care about the most in the last week or two in the service of our State. Ireland has condemned Hezbollah's attacks on Israel and Israel's disproportionate response. Both must stop.

Notwithstanding dramatic developments in the wider region, Palestine must not be overlooked. The humanitarian situation in Gaza remains dire, with Israeli restrictions on aid access continuing to frustrate the delivery of essential supplies and services to people across the Gaza Strip. The rate of settlement expansion in the West Bank, combined with spiralling settler violence, is also deeply concerning and part of an established pattern to create a new status quo in the occupied Palestinian territory. Ireland will continue to press the EU to take concrete action in response to such egregious Israeli breaches of human rights and democratic principles.

While the crisis in the Middle East and the Gulf draws global attention, we cannot lose focus on Ukraine. As Russia's unprovoked and unjustified war of aggression against Ukraine continues unabated, Ireland and the EU remain unequivocal in our solidarity and support for Ukraine. Failing on the battlefield, Russia chooses to deliberately target Ukrainian civilians and critical infrastructure. In April alone, Russia launched at least 6,804 long-range drones and missiles into Ukraine, marking the most intense month of long-range aerial attacks to date. These attacks continue to inflict terror on ordinary Ukrainians, killing men, women and children, injuring many more and depriving millions of electricity, heating, and water. Alongside our fellow EU member states, we must continue to stand with Ukraine. Standing with Ukraine means more than words. It means ensuring Ukraine has what it needs to exercise its right to self-defence under Article 51 of the UN Charter. It means ensuring it has the means to sustain its budget and public services, and can repair and protect its critical infrastructure. It also means increasing the pressure on Russia to end its brutal aggression. This is exactly what Ireland and our partners in the European Union are doing. Ireland welcomes that efforts to advance the €90 billion Ukraine support loan can now continue. We welcome in particular the change of regime in Hungary that allowed it. It is notable that not one member of Sinn Féin, the one political party that opposed this measure, is in this Chamber. That says a lot. This gives Ukraine the finance it needs over the coming two years. It does so at large scale, in good time and in a predictable manner. We are also increasing pressure on Russia. I welcome the recent agreement on the EU's 20th package of sanctions on Russia. These sanctions are having an impact. They are making it harder for Russia to fund its war and access battlefield goods. These sanctions are designed to force Putin to move to the negotiating table. We must maintain this pressure until he does. We must also work to ensure Russia is held accountable for its actions and pays for the destruction it has caused.

Importantly, today, in the other Chamber of this House, we are debating Ireland's support in establishing an international claims commission. This is an important step towards redressing internationally wrongful acts committed by Russia in or against Ukraine and one I hope we endorse. We will continue to work to advance Ukraine's path to EU accession. Alongside our EU partners, Ireland continues to provide extensive political, humanitarian, military, and economic bilateral support to Ukraine. This has included over €500 million in support of Ukraine, including over €250 million in humanitarian assistance and stabilisation supports to date. We will continue to work closely with Ukraine to secure the best outcome for the people of Ukraine and, critically, the people of Europe and Ireland. This is not just vital for Ukraine - it is vital for all EU member states.

I push back strongly against the social media warriors who think it can all be solved with one comment, social media post or snappy headline to the effect that we paid our fair share. The people of Ukraine are fighting on our behalf. No one should underestimate that the material impact of Russia's vicious war on Ukraine is felt by every household and business across this country. Increasing support for Ukraine by €40 million in recent weeks resulted in an unprecedented amount of ire on social media and got tangled up in tricky domestic affairs. One thing we must make clear is that this is exactly what Russia and its disinformation and misinformation puppets around the world want. When Bloomberg cites Chay Bowes as one of the leading exponents of Russian propaganda and disinformation in the world, that comes right back to here in Ireland. We need to be able call out and to shout out when we start seeing Ireland's support for Ukraine being pulled into our own domestic situation. This is not a natural or organic occurrence; it is from the same far-right agitators, many of whom are not based here - Steve Bannon, Tommy Robinson and all the regular clickbait merchants who want to completely destabilise what has been a united effort.

Ireland has not played its part. I am not happy to say it because we should be doing more to support Ukraine as it is in our selfish interests, and we need to be able to push back. The issues we face in Ireland are directly linked to Russia's war in Ukraine. If we remove supports from Ukraine, the Ukrainian people and from the European project, the impacts we are feeling will merely get far worse for far too many people.

In the time remaining to me, there is a plethora of issues I could and should refer to. I will leave it to my colleague, the Minister of State, Deputy Feighan, to touch on some of them. However, in a brief whistle-stop tour around the globe there are a couple of areas that deserve the attention of this House, and I believe they have been brought up a number of times by various Senators. They include the ongoing famine in Sudan. It is having a real impact and not just on the millions of people suffering displacement, acute hunger and who are victims of the most vicious types of war crimes where rape is still used as a weapon of war. We equally see push-back on a global stage with people seeking to undermine the multilateral order, the UN system, as well as push-back on the rights agenda. We cannot allow the most innocent victims of the world become the victims of someone else's culture war. That is why those of us lucky enough to be elected to national office have a responsibility and platform to not just talk about the issues we want to talk about but to talk about all the issues and the global order as a whole. If we believe in international law, humanitarian work and fundamental rights we believe in the money that goes to support it. Development, which is the key area of my work, is an investment. Investment in our overseas development assistance is an investment at source in the issues that impact all of the people who live in our constituencies. Energy insecurity, food insecurity, political fundamentalism, global terrorism and irregular mass migration all stem from global instability. If anyone comes in here and says we should cut our aid budget, or anyone in any member state says it, then they had better be prepared to quadruple their defence and security budget.

I am delighted that the Seanad has taken time to debate this wide range of issues and I thank Senators who consistently raise it on the Order of Business and through their Commencement matters. We continue to be happy to engage in this House, in the joint committees on foreign affairs, security and European affairs, and on the floor of the Dáil.

I thank the Aire Stáit for his broad but comprehensive opening statement.

Gabhaim buíochas leis an Aire Stáit, an Teachta Richmond, as teacht isteach chun éisteacht agus labhairt linn agus páirt a ghlacadh sa díospóireacht mar gheall ar ghnóthaí idirnáisiúnta inniu. I welcome the remarks of the Minister of State, Deputy Richmond, and begin my contribution by referencing the ongoing situation in Gaza and Palestine. As I have done on a number of occasions, I state at the outset that there is absolutely nothing antisemitic in what I have to say, and I firmly believe in the right of all people who inhabit this earth to exist peacefully side by side. The State of Israel was established in 1948 in the years immediately following the Second World War when the full extent of the atrocities of the Holocaust came to light. Without doubt it is right to acknowledge that what happened during the Second World War to the Jewish people was a calamity on a scale never before seen internationally. Every support was offered by the international community, particularly on the Allied side, post Second World War with regard to the establishment of the State of Israel.

It is also important to point out that no amount of suffering, evil or outrage confers the right on any people to justify a genocide. That is a strong term but it is what we have seen in recent years in Gaza. It is important for us to stand up against that and to use our soft power on the international stage and to use the diplomatic channels and alliances we have at UN and EU level to continue working towards a just solution that will arrive at a two-state solution in the Middle East where the people of Palestine and the people of Israel can co-exist side by side. I appreciate because of the historical nature of the evolution of the State of Israel that there are political complexities at a European level and that the plight of the people of Palestine is not afforded the same level of support at European level to that mentioned by the Minister of State in the context of Russia's illegal invasion of Ukraine. I recently referenced in a joint committee on foreign affairs that apart from a small number of Hungarian MEPs, the debate in February in the European Parliament on the fourth anniversary of the illegal Russian invasion of Ukraine was a positive one in which, by and large, solidarity was expressed. I spoke in recent months in a meeting at which the Acting Chair was present when the German ambassador visited Seanad Éireann. I tried to impress upon him the point that we need to work towards a solution and in that regard Europe needs to play stronger role in the Middle East. That is something we need to continue working towards, as the Minister of State has alluded to, and to work with like-minded European countries.

I will make reference to two of the UN sustainable development goals. I was recently at a meeting in Tralee where I had an interesting conversation with Dominic Crowley, chief executive of Concern Worldwide, with whom I know the Minister of State has a close working relationship. During the presentation given to us, Mr. Crowley made reference to sustainable development goal 2: zero hunger. When the sustainable development goals were initially established over ten years ago the target was zero hunger by 2030 and it was all targeted towards 2030. Mr. Crowley gave a forecast backed up by data at UN level indicating that the likely achievement date of zero hunger is actually 2137, rather than 2030, which is 111 years from now. I asked what to me seemed a hopelessly inadequate question about how we, as elected representatives at a national level, could work with international partners to bring more hope to that to try to achieve an achievable goal sooner. His simple response was that the main contributory factor towards that bleak prospect is international conflict. We need to use whatever power we have, particularly when there is a lack of leadership shown by some countries on the international stage from whom we had seen strong leadership in the past. At EU level, particularly as we approach July, we need to work with our European partners to ensure that our Presidency of the Council of the European Union is a progressive one. We need to work with partners.

The second sustainable development goal I will reference is goal 4, which aims to ensure inclusive equitable and quality education while promoting lifelong opportunities for all by 2030. I was attended the Oireachtas Joint Committee on Education and Youth earlier today and had a conversation with Ms Ponke Danker who is the vice-chair of the Irish Development Education Association, IDEA. She is also the co-ordinator of the Irish Network for Education Worldwide, INEW. In an informal conversation I had with her after the meeting, she cited the Global Education Monitoring Report 2026, which as the Minister of State is aware is partly funded by Irish Aid.

That has an expected achievement date of 2105, 79 years from now.

In the Acting Chair's own contributions here in the Chamber, she would be a very strong advocate for the Irish language and the seanfhocail. Two that always stick out with me are "Ar scáth a chéile a mhaireann na daoine" and "Ní neart go cur le chéile". We are stronger working together. Outside of our position as a member state of the European Union, we are also a member of humanity and we need to work to ensure that the most vulnerable throughout the world receive the protection they deserve.

In that regard, we are trending in the right direction with our international development aid, which I understand is north of 0.5%. It depends on how you look at it, but 0.56% was one of the references of 2024, although others argue it might be as low as 0.4%. However, it is important that we work to achieve that and stand against those who suggest we move in the other direction. Not only that, but we should also encourage international partners, where possible, to work in the right direction. I did not make any reference whatsoever to the likes of the challenges on climate but there is a disproportionate impact that our actions have on developing countries.

I apologise for going a little over time.

As the Minister of State said at the beginning of his peroration, it is difficult not to wake up in the mornings and be depressed when you look at the newspaper or for those of us who are budding insomniacs like myself to lay awake at night listening to the BBC World Service. We hear many things that would depress us, but the one thing we should all try to do in these trying times is not lose a sense of hope. If we lose that as a nation or as individuals, then we do not have an awful lot that can sustain us. The Minister of State, Deputy Richmond, rehearsed in rapid fire many things we have to be proud of in this country. I also welcome the Minister of State, Deputy Feighan, to the Chamber and I hope he is with us through the debate.

It is no exaggeration to say we have a markedly unstable global environment. The risk assessment we had in 2024 instanced a significant increase in global insecurity and geopolitical division, driven by Russia's war in Ukraine, the Middle East conflict, which has arisen again lately, and the rising great power rivalry. Those dynamics will continue to shape our external environment through this year and the years to come.

There are many challenges facing us. The one thing I have to make reference to is the traditional offshoot of our neutrality, that is, the underinvestment in our Defence Forces and our ability to counter cybersecurity breaches, as well as the protection of our cables along the coastline. That is a huge challenge for us and it points out that we have to work hand in glove with our near neighbour in the United Kingdom and our European partners in the EU.

The problem of international relations is so complex and widespread that it is very hard to get a logical train of thought through it. However, I compliment Senator Kelleher for his courage at the outset of his contribution in making reference to what he called, and what most of the right-thinking people would call, the genocide that has occurred in the Middle East over the past couple of years. We are seeing a continuation of it. In the midst of a so-called ceasefire, we still see egregious and outrageous behaviour by the Israeli state against defenceless people and those who are working in very strained circumstances to give succour, care and health opportunities, as well as the journalists who try to report there. It is beyond belief.

I am well into my eighth decade on this planet, and as a father and grandfather, I sometimes despair about the sort of country and world we are legating to the next generation. The example of the so-called great powers is not an example to be followed. The work we do in our European community is praiseworthy but I can see a lot of incipient problems for the EU. In Hungary recently, we won the football game in extra time when Mr. Orbán was ejected from office, but in practically the same month, Mr. Radev was elected in Bulgaria and we have a general election coming up in Sweden in September. There is also an irrepressible growth of the far right in Sweden, which is certainly a change from the Sweden of 40 years ago.

The danger of an alliance of that far-right caucus in the EU is that the ultimate aim and game plan of those people is undoubtedly to weaken the EU. As it weakens - and I think it is weakening because of that far-right influence - the people in Beijing and Moscow must be rubbing their hands in glee to see the great edifice of the EU being weakened by the people utilising migration and global problems to stir up what can only be called hate and an aversion to the weakest people we give succour and shelter to in this country. That will be a great challenge for us going forward in the times to come.

I am encouraged by the talk from the Taoiseach and the wider Government that they are going to increase investment in defence. Unless we as Europeans bolster our defences substantially, it is not going to fare well for us. There are many things that replicate the Europe of the late 1930s, when there was a policy of appeasement by the great powers. There was just about any decision taken that would not involve going back to war again. None of us is a warmonger, but the price we pay for peace is an eternal readiness for conflict. Unless we are strong and are treated and considered as capable foes - that is a very dangerous thing to say - we will not be able to show we have a capability of defending ourselves as Europeans.

That is not just on a battlefield, God help us, but in all the other ways that the sinister forces we see at play in Ukraine, as were instanced by the Minister of State, are all around us. It is an onslaught on liberal democracy and something that depresses me greatly, but I have an essential belief in the goodness of humanity and an essential and irrepressible hope that people of fundamental good will and humanity, as Senator Kelleher mentioned, will conquer in the long run. As a small country on the western periphery of Europe, we have our part to play, but we certainly have our exceedingly great challenges. As people who are elected to office, our Government is faced with great challenges. I bless its efforts, but there are great challenges ahead. I hope i ndeireadh na Dála go n-éireoidh linn go léir.

Before we move to our next speaker, cuirim fáilte roimh an Aire Stáit, an Teachta Frankie Feighan.

The Minister of State is welcome. I thank him for giving us his time this afternoon in the Chamber. I compliment the Minister of State, Deputy Richmond, on the comprehensive and informative update he gave us. I support the comments he made about disinformation and the cyber war that is going on at the moment, which we believe is predominantly propagated by Russian actors, who are minded to sow division in peaceful democracies such as ours and will use opportunities of internal conflict and protest to sow further seeds of disharmony. I would like to be associated with the Minister of State's comments in that regard. It is important we invest strongly in our cybersecurity and recognise that there are malicious actors who are trying to manipulate our domestic situation at times for their gain. I thank the Minister of State for the clear way in which he said that.

I will speak predominantly about the situation in the Middle East and the gulf. As the Minister of State, Deputy Richmond, said, we are living through a period of serious instability with devastating consequences, predominantly for the people who are living in those war zones with the life and death impacts they are experiencing. We are feeling the ripple effects of these conflicts around the world in energy prices and the knock-on impacts on inflation, right through to migration. It is a precarious time for international peace and security.

Ireland remains deeply concerned by the ongoing conflict in the Middle East, as the Minister of State, Deputy Richmond said. We continue to follow the developments closely. They are changing at pace. As it stands, reports are coming through that the US proposal for a peace deal has been delivered to the Iranians, who are reviewing it. They will give their response to Pakistan, which is acting as intermediary. The reports of that diplomatic engagement are welcome, as is the pause of the naval escort operations in the Strait of Hormuz President Trump announced yesterday. It is potentially a sign we are now moving into a space where diplomacy can actually make some progress. However, they are fragile steps. We hope the current pause in hostilities can be maintained and that talks can move towards a lasting agreement and a permanent political solution born from dialogue and diplomacy.

Ireland has consistently called for restraint from all sides and for the protection of civilians at all times. International humanitarian law must be upheld without exception. The disruption in the Strait of Hormuz has also highlighted once again just how vulnerable global energy supplies remain and, in these volatile times, how vulnerable the Irish energy supply is. We must accelerate our transition to green energy and, in particular, shake off the cautious approach we have been taking to harnessing green energy on the west coast using floating offshore wind, with the capacity we have to generate more than three times our current requirement for the country. We must move forward at a faster pace to harness that. We have to shift our focus and fast-track a plan to develop that on the west coast. At the moment, we are developing a plan to zone the seas around the coast from the southern region to the north. At the same time, we will just have to pull out the west coast. That is where the greatest amount of energy exists. We must fast-track a west coast plan for floating offshore wind energy generation. What the past few months and years have shown us is that Ireland's energy supply is very exposed to the whims of dictators and narcissists when they act in their own interests and casually upend global peace.

I welcome Senator Kelleher's assessment of the ongoing and worsening humanitarian catastrophe in Gaza. Families are without food, water, shelter and medical care and the suffering of civilians is intolerable. I join him in calling for Israel to immediately remove restrictions on aid access and to allow essential supplies and services to reach people across the Gaza Strip. Border crossings must remain open and humanitarian aid must not be obstructed. In particular, I echo his remarks on the strength of a Europe-wide response to the actions of Israel.

Unfortunately, Israel is now also in Lebanon. While we could welcome the extension of the ceasefire between Lebanon and Israel, it is still very fragile. The situation on the ground is deeply concerning. Israeli forces remain in parts of southern Lebanon and tensions along the blue line continue. At the same time, the issue of Hezbollah's military activity and disarmament remains central to any lasting peace. Last week in Limerick, Irish Army troops gathered with their families and friends for a good luck and farewell event, which brought them all together as they prepared to go on the latest mission to Lebanon next week - I believe they will go in mid-May - to serve in difficult and uncertain circumstances. It was a moving occasion for the families. There were reports on local radio about the troops going out. They spoke about how much they were looking forward to it, and how they had either been previously or had heard about it from other officers. They spoke about the pride they had in going out there to be peacekeepers and how they expected to use their strong skills in communication and engagement to de-escalate where they can any threats of violence and to be the wonderful peacekeepers we are so proud of.

We have a long legacy in Lebanon at Camp Shamrock of Irish troops contributing, not only in their peacekeeping efforts. I have spoken to many soldiers who spoke about teaching children English at the weekends or in their time off, so much so that we hear reports that some children speak English with a Cork accent in south Lebanon because of the work the Irish troops have put in. I take this opportunity to wish them well and to wish them a safe and successful tour in Lebanon.

I was just saying, as if life was not difficult enough for the children without having to speak with a Cork accent.

Is it Cork city or Cork county?

Cork city or county.

In recent years, the world has become an increasingly unstable and chaotic place with differences between states being settled by force rather than diplomacy. Since the Second World War, and particularly since the end of the Cold War, there has been a common narrative that world politics is governed by a set of rules and established values. There was a system of international institutions and laws that would mediate between states and show respect for all, regardless of power or military strength, although this was never the case for Third World countries, which continue to be subjected to sickening levels of violence and exploitation.

With Putin's invasion of Ukraine, Israel's genocide in Gaza and Trump's lunatic, erratic second term, this narrative has gone completely out the window and we are in a new era of geopolitics that is reminiscent of the 1930s. The threat of a third world war is possibly now closer than ever before. The regime in the United States has departed from the norms of international politics and seems happy to attack sovereign states without provocation or justification, or even a coherent war goal. There is a major war in Europe as a result of Putin's invasion and rapidly increasing militarisation in the EU as a result. There is an ongoing genocide, with Israel torturing Palestinians in Gaza and the West Bank and continuing to do so.

It killed thousands of people, which exposed the hypocrisy of western states that claim to believe in human rights while at the same time supporting Israel's war machine without hesitation. We do not have to look any further than Ursula von der Leyen and her strong and unwavering support for Israel. It is absolutely sickening. The polling around attitudes to Europe shows a downward direction in many areas and that is due to Ursula von der Leyen and many of her colleagues.

All of this has completely undermined the legitimacy of international law and destroyed any sense of a global consensus for peace. These are very volatile times. Now more than ever, Ireland needs to stand firm on our neutrality and avoid becoming entangled in a potential large-scale war. Our place is not as part of a military alliance or military adventurism. We should use our independent voice, our soft power, as Senator Kelleher mentioned, to stand up for human rights, international law and the multilateral institutions that are under attack. Despite our small size, we have a considerable international profile and wide-reaching respect. This is due to our willingness to call out human rights abuses and the work of our peacekeepers and aid workers, as well as our diplomats who do a fine job. It is also a result of our history of resistance to colonialism. We should not risk our reputation by abandoning our neutrality on a whim.

We should use our voice to speak out against injustice. Nowhere is that more important today than in Palestine. The actions of Israel have been absolutely horrific and criminal, yet the EU will not take any action to hold it to account. It is beyond understanding how the Government speaks about suspending the trade pact with Israel and says it will pass the occupied territories Bill. That appears to be posturing from the Government because it knows Europe will not suspend the EuroMed agreement. It knows it is safe to come out with words that sound good and appeal to people, but the reality is there will be no action on that.

It is the same with the occupied territories Bill. The Government has kicked that can down the road many times. The Government has said how concerned it is about the actions of Israel, yet it welcomes Israel here to play football and facilitates the sportswashing of football by Israel. It is hard to understand how Ireland can be so spineless. The Government is spineless when it comes to taking action against Israel. Violence by Israeli settlers in the West Bank is the worst it has ever been, with constant attacks on Palestinians by settlers and the Israeli state, not to mention the blatantly racist law passed by the Knesset which greenlights the death penalty for Palestinians. Ben-Givr, the psychopath minister for security, pushed that agenda.

Israel is still illegally detaining two participants in the most recent Global Sumud Flotilla, Thiago Ávila and Saif Abu Keshek, who are decent and kind people committed to human rights, delivering aid and standing up against the destruction of international law. They are people who are committed and trying to do something and take action, which is something the Government has failed to do time and again.

Irish Sport for Palestine has a number of high-profile sportspeople. Pico Lopes, who will play in the World Cup this summer, Sean Boyd, Brendan Clarke and Dean Williams have all said that Ireland playing Israel is wrong. It is, in effect, sportswashing. I have a specific question because there will be a lot of talk. Has the Government requested that the FAI play that game? Whose decision is it to play the game? Is it the decision of the Government to allow that game to be played or is it the decision of the FAI alone? If the game goes ahead on 4 October, who will security screen the participants, supporters, management team and entourage that comes with the genocidal Israeli team? It is not clear. The Government has not given any answers. It will be during the EU Presidency and there will be a lot of pressure on the Government in terms of policing resources. A young lad, Muhammad Khalifa, played all around Ireland in 2017. His murderers could be on that team. Will the Government let them arrive in and leave Ireland and enjoy football or will it hold the team to account? Will it security screen them? We need to know the plans the Government has or whether it is ad-libbing it and will allow the Israelis come and go as they wish, even though they blocked visas for GAA Palestine participants. I would like clarity on those direct questions.

Senators Stephenson and Harmon are sharing time. Is that agreed? Agreed.

I welcome the Minister of State. I mean no shade or disrespect to him, but it is disappointing for Senators when a Minister related to the relevant Department is not here. I know that is not his doing, but I want to note that for the record. Perhaps the Cathaoirleach or Leas-Chathaoirleach could communicate to the Leader that we do not always get the correct Minister for the brief or for Commencement matters or debates. Obviously, that limits the meaningful engagement we can have with the Department. This relates to how the Seanad is treated more broadly.

In the context of the US and Israel's illegal war in Iran and Iran's retaliatory strikes, the inexplicable decision of the US to ease sanctions on Russia as a result of that war, the ongoing genocide and E1 plan to steal even more Palestinian land on the West Bank, the bombing of civilians and general instability across the world, it is important we reflect on Ireland's role in that and how Ireland can contribute to peace by sustaining an ecosystem of accountability under international law. We have seen the erosion of the multilateral order, attacks by known aggressors like Russia and Israel and our traditional allies the US, and the UN being totally undermined.

What we have not seen in any meaningful way is that erosion being met with a commitment from a broad coalition of leaders to defend the multilateral system, which is worrying. Ireland should lead the way in upholding international law and that involves moving beyond words and into action. The best way we can do this is by implementing international law and creating an ecosystem of accountability. In practice, that looks like enacting the occupied territories Bill, a Bill which would ensure we meet our obligations under international law and provide a pathway to peace for the Palestinian people through holding the Israeli state accountable for its illegal actions.

Creating an ecosystem of accountability means standing up to defend Francesca Albanese and the eight International Criminal Court justices and three prosecutors who have been sanctioned by the US for their human rights work defending the right to life of Palestinians. Why is Ireland not calling loudly for the EU blocking mechanism to be activated to protect EU citizens who are fulfilling their mandate under international law from the impact of US sanctions? An ecosystem of accountability means that we must be willing to examine our actions, including the use of Irish airspace and airports by the US military while it conducts its illegal war on Iran, creating misery for people in the Middle East and, more broadly, creating misery for people across the world because of the fuel crisis. Why are we still allowing the use of our airspace in those contexts?

Creating an ecosystem of accountability means asking ourselves whether we are fully compliant with our obligations under international law and obligations to the people of Ireland as a neutral country. There is a belief in some quarters that Ireland is so small that we cannot meaningfully challenge the actions of larger powers or influence other countries, but I do not buy that argument. Historically, Ireland has had an outsized influence on global politics, in particular peace, most notably with Frank Aiken and the nuclear non-proliferation treaty, and we can do the same today when it comes to defending the multilateral system.

However, to do this, we actually have to practise what we preach and put those commitments into action. This is not about Ireland, in one dramatic act, changing the course of global events; it is about whether we choose to play our part. It is not about just one country acting alone; it is about building on collective action through consistent principled stances taken by many member states over time. We have seen countries doing that. Spain has shown moral courage by banning Israel-bound ships and aircraft transporting munitions from transiting through Spanish airspace and ports. While we say we uphold international law, we have not done the same as Spain has. It has banned individuals who have directly participated in the genocide in Gaza from entering the country. Slovenia has imposed an arms embargo. Spain, Slovenia, Belgium and the Netherlands have prevented trade with the illegal Israeli settlements. Ireland should be leading on a principled coalition of like-minded countries to uphold international law in the face of these violations. That is how we contribute to an ecosystem of accountability. We have not done that yet.

The Minister of State, Deputy Richmond, talked about the importance of the UN system and, while I utterly agree with him, I would like to know specifically what Ireland has done on the question of UN Security Council reform. What active actions are we taking to reform UN Security Council challenges? Where is the occupied territories Bill and when we can expect it to be delivered?

I want to start by talking about how the world is seen through the eyes of a child. This was very illuminating to me recently. I was doing some school visits in Cork and visited a primary school in Crosshaven, where I spoke to some girls. I always ask pupils what they know about politics and who they know who is a politician. Of course, they all know Donald Trump, unfortunately, because of the attention paid to him in the media. My visit was shortly after St. Patrick’s Day and the Taoiseach had been to the White House. There was a debate around that. We asked what would have happened if the Taoiseach had not gone to the White House. One of the girls, who must have been about ten years old, said he would have bombed us all. I am not saying that is a correct statement but that it is extremely worrying that there are children growing up in this country now who are watching footage of conflict consistently. They do not feel safe and feel the world is very volatile. Donald Trump is not the leader of the free world. We need to hold the US and Israel to account. We have a responsibility to do so not only for our own citizens but also for all the other citizens across the globe who are facing inequality and destruction because of narcissists and authoritarians in power.

I thought it was very interesting that children do not feel safe growing up. They see conflict every day on the news, from Gaza and Lebanon to Sudan and Ukraine, and they are very exposed to it. We see tension escalating in Iran and we are witnessing devastating consequences of war, authoritarianism, genocide, displacement and the absolute erosion of international law. Ireland might be a small country but its voice absolutely matters when it is principled, consistent and rooted in international solidarity.

On Palestine, what we have been witnessing is a genocide. Unfortunately, the Irish Government has not done enough. We have not enacted the occupied territories Bill, covering services. Why is there such a delay? It is such a shame that the Government did not pass the arms embargo Bill in this Chamber a number of weeks ago. We had very sensible proposals from the Opposition. International law cannot be conditional. No state should be placed beyond accountability for war crimes, crimes against humanity or genocide.

We must also address the dangerous escalation involving Iran. It is entirely possible, indeed necessary, to condemn the repression and brutality of the Iranian regime, including its appalling treatment of women, trade unionists and pro-democracy activists, while also insisting that international law be upheld by all states, including the rights of Iranian civilians, who should not be subjected to illegal wars.

We cannot support a politics of endless military escalation. The lessons of Iraq must never be forgotten. Diplomacy and de-escalation must almost always take precedence over actions that risk plunging regions and the world into wider catastrophe.

Ireland has rightly shown solidarity with Ukraine. We must continue to do that. Silence in the face of suffering is not neutrality. We absolutely need to bear that in mind when we are talking about upholding our neutrality in Ireland.

I want to begin by quoting from an interview given by the director general of the International Red Cross, Mr. Pierre Krähenbühl, who was visiting Ireland this week. He stated:

When we see the atrocities committed in Ukraine, Sudan, Yemen, Israel and Gaza, it’s understandable that public trust in the effectiveness of humanitarian law is shaken. It’s often breached, but when it’s respected, it saves lives ... That may seem insufficient – but it’s vital. Humanitarian law exists to remind us that we don’t need a catastrophe on the scale of the Second World War to come to our senses. That war led to a wave of treaties: the UN Charter, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the genocide convention, the Geneva Conventions, and the refugee convention...

All of these treaties, all of these promises we made to each other as humanity, came in the period between 1945 and 1951. They set a frame on the idea that we should proceed together as humanity, approach things differently and use a different set of tools, learning not just from the Second World War but also from millennia of might-is-right thinking, colonialism and empire-building.

Seán Lemass spoke about how important it was for Ireland, not just from a moral point of view but also in terms of its interests as a small nation, to support the strength of the UN. Despite this, I hear it casually thrown around that the UN is failing, and this is said by people who are failing to uphold the UN principles. They say it is regrettable when in fact the UN is us. We are part of that, and Ireland has been an above-the-line, incredibly strong voice in this regard.

We heard in the Minister of State’s speech that Ireland remains committed to upholding the UN Charter and the rules and principles, working together with like-minded partners. We actually need to work together with everybody, as required by our being part of the UN, and not just work with a few select countries that we may also happen to have business interests with, or our European partners. We must work with everybody, and that is what being part of the UN means.

Reference is made to upholding and defending the system and to international law, which we say should be paramount, but what are we doing? We are not doing what we are calling for. In the Minister of State’s speech, he called for clarity on international law and said we should press Europe for concrete actions, but in that same speech there was almost a contribution to the sanewashing we are seeing. I refer to the line about the repression, which all of us have condemned. Some of us, for months and months, have been calling out the repression of Iran’s citizens. The Minister of State’s next remark was that this repression was immediately followed by the action of the US, as if there were some connection between the two. Then a reference was made to strikes by Iran and Israel. These are illegal strikes. There is an unwillingness to name illegality when it comes from a country where we have interests at play.

We hear about values and that values must be central, but I also hear the phrase "values and interests" as if we are going to trade them against each other, thinking about our interests now and then talking a little about values. Of course, countries have interests, but if values are values they have to be the outside frame. We need to be serving these. Of course, we can pursue Ireland’s interests, but we need to pursue them within a frame of values. When there are interests that work against the kinds of values we espouse, not just for ourselves but also for humanity as a whole, we need to be willing to challenge and rethink them.

We have not found that. Factually, we have not enacted the occupied territories Bill, despite that we heard about international law being so important and despite the direct obligation placed on us and reminded of us in that International Court of Justice ruling. It is in the preamble of the Government's own Bill which it has not progressed. We have been asked by everybody about when it is progressing. I would like an answer to that. I would like an answer to whether Ireland is going to attend a major event. There is a new International Committee of the Red Cross, ICRC, initiative on humanitarian law which Ireland is a signatory to. Will the Government be attending the event in December to gather on that? Will Ireland be pressing for actual action in relation to the International Criminal Court? Europe has a blocking mechanism that it has not used to protect that key instrument of international law in the ICC. Will we be taking a stand? Sadly, not to point to the Minister of State, one of the Government parties, Fine Gael, as a member of the European People's Party, EPP, blocked a debate on the new death penalty law that says you can be killed if you are from a particular ethnicity but not from another. The debate on it that was meant to happen in the European Parliament was blocked. It was blocked by a vote of the EPP. These are real questions.

We talk about wanting to encourage others in Europe, but the fact is we did encourage others in Europe to act and they did. Spain and Slovenia acted. They passed their versions of the occupied territories Bill. They have delivered an arms embargo where Ireland - a neutral country - has not delivered an arms embargo. Others are acting. We cannot hide behind it. We need to face up to the real concrete actions we can take. Again, what will we do about the fact of dual use goods - the technologies of war? Ireland has had an almost six-fold increase in our exports of dual use technologies to Israel during the period of the war. These are "concrete actions". That is the phrase from the Minister of State's own speech. What concrete actions will Ireland be taking in relation to showing our seriousness about international law and leading on it?

On the area of disarmament, we are very proud of our role in nuclear disarmament, which is something that is maybe worth remembering in the current moment, and in leading the nuclear non-proliferation treaty. We are very proud of our role in the global ban on cluster munitions. Yet, the Government seems unwilling to criticise our fellow European countries, which are now leaving the cluster munition and landmine conventions, and the European Commission, which is directing money towards the purchase and development of cluster bombs. If we are serious about Ireland's role as a champion in the place where we have credibility, let us stand up for the treaties we negotiated and let us give leadership on things like autonomous weapons, which need a new treaty to ban them.

We hear about cybersecurity. Let us be very real and frank that it is not simply Russian actors and stealth actors. Some of the very large tech corporations and their leadership have been very open about their international political agendas. They have campaigned very openly on it. In many cases, they are being identified as a risk in different European countries and situations. Is Ireland going to be key in our role as a data regulator? That is where we can be on tech regulation. That is what need, not an end to our neutrality and not the removal of our triple lock, especially in a climate where we are seeing direct bullying of countries to participate in illegal wars of interests. That is not the time for Ireland to remove our safeguard in terms of the triple lock. It is time for Ireland to double down on international law and to step up to the plate in the things that we can and should do.

I thank the Senators for their contributions and views. From our discussions today, it is clear we are keenly aware that like all our friends and partners, Ireland finds itself in an increasingly contested, dynamic and volatile international security environment. In Ireland, we have long championed dialogue and diplomacy as the way to solve disputes and conflicts. Our own history assures us that this is the pathway to a lasting solution in the Middle East, one that can permanently end the violence, address underlying issues and ensure regional security.

Ireland calls on all parties to preserve the ceasefire, to support the efforts under way to reach negotiated solutions and for those with influence to use it constructively. It is vital that the Strait of Hormuz is fully reopened to international shipping to mitigate the global economic and societal impacts of the conflict and to remove the impediment to solving the long-term issues with Iran. We will remain in close contact with EU and regional partners in responding to this crisis, including the ongoing economic fallout. It is these close relationships with partners and our presence in the region that allowed us to support the large Irish communities in the region at the outset of the crisis. Even if the current ceasefire leads to a permanent end to the war, the economic fallout of the conflict is likely to persist given the lasting damage to energy infrastructure in the gulf. There are many real problems with Iran’s policies and actions which need to be resolved. While we look for the prompt resumption of negotiations, it is important that the ceasefires in the Middle East deliver a real cessation of violence and ensure the protection, most importantly, of civilians. They must lead to meaningful outcomes and a path to a lasting peace for all in the region.

I reiterate Ireland’s condolences for the UNIFIL peacekeepers who have died as a result of this conflict and condemn all attacks against UNIFIL personnel, posts and vehicles. Ireland remains committed to a UN peacekeeping force in Lebanon. We are conscious of the potential security vacuum that will be left when UNIFIL finishes its mission at the end of the year. Now more than ever, we see the need for oversight of ceasefires and the protection of communities.

On Palestine, Ireland has consistently called for the EU to take concrete action in response to Israeli breaches of human rights and democratic principles. In advance of discussions at the April meeting of the Foreign Affairs Council, Ireland called for the suspension of the EU-Israel association agreement given persistent Israeli violations of human rights and international law. The EU review of the association agreement in 2025 found Israel in clear breach of its obligations. Ireland has made clear our view that the EU must act. The EU’s credibility and the viability of the two-state solution is at stake. Next Monday, this issue will be revisited at the Foreign Affairs Council in Brussels. Ireland will continue to press for appropriate action in respect of the EU-Israel relationship.

While the situation in the Middle East demands the world’s attention, we must not lose sight of the implications of Russia’s war of aggression in Ukraine for Ireland and the EU. Heading into the Irish Presidency, Ireland will ensure the EU continues to demonstrate solidarity with Ukraine and maintains pressure on Russia. We welcome the renewed unity at EU level in recent weeks. We will look and work to ensure that Ukraine continues to have access to the finance it needs, including to defend itself against Russia’s ongoing illegal aggression. Continued economic and financial support to Ukraine will remain a high priority for Ireland’s EU Presidency, including laying the foundation for the country’s long-term reconstruction following Russia’s illegal full-scale invasion.

We will continue to support robust targeted sanctions against Russia. EU sanctions are having a tangible impact on the Russian economy, making it harder for Russia to access battlefield goods and generate revenue to pay for its illegal war. We want Russia’s war of aggression to end, but it must end on the basis of a comprehensive, just and lasting peace, one that upholds Ukraine’s sovereignty and independence and is based on respect for the principles of the UN Charter. The fundamental principle that borders cannot be changed by force must be upheld. Any agreement must also protect Ukraine and Europe’s vital security. That means strong, credible security guarantees that ensure Ukraine can defend itself and forestall future aggression.

Discussing Ukraine in this House today, it would be remiss of me not to acknowledge that last week we marked 40 years since the world’s worst nuclear disaster at Chernobyl.

Forty years on, Russia’s reckless and illegal war of aggression in Ukraine brings new nuclear threats to Chernobyl, Ukraine and the wider region. This has included reckless attacks that have compromised the new safe confinement at Chernobyl and the illegal seizure and militarisation of Ukraine’s Zaporizhzhia nuclear power plant, the largest in Europe. Nuclear disaster is once again a fear for many. The world can ill afford another Chernobyl. We must learn the tragic lessons of that day. The Irish people have always shown their compassion in response to those terrible events and continue to do so today. In addition to our international contributions, we have welcomed over 120,000 Ukrainians to Ireland, over 80,000 of whom have remained and integrated into our communities, echoing the welcome provided to the victims of the Chernobyl disaster over the past four decades.

As Russia’s aggression against Ukraine enters into its fifth year, it is critical that we stand together and put an end to the suffering caused by this conflict and its far reaching consequences. These consequences, alongside wider geopolitical instability, have brought home the need to continue to work nationally and with our EU partners to address existing and emerging security challenges. Ireland supports EU initiatives to address Europe’s capability gaps, strengthen security and combat the hybrid threats we are facing. Security will be an important priority during Ireland's upcoming Presidency of the European Union in the second half of this year. We will work to advance the EU security and defence agenda. As a small island state with a history of famine and conflict, Ireland has long understood the importance of a strong international multilateral system for our security, prosperity and well-being. That system is undoubtedly facing significant challenges today. Ireland is committed to an effective international order based on law and with the UN at its centre. For Ireland, the United Nations and its Charter are not abstract ideals but rather clear reflections of where our values and our interests align.

In an ever more global and challenging landscape, characterised by disregard for international law and increased polarisation, Ireland will remain firm in its support of international law, the UN and the wider multilateral system. In the face of the global push-back against agreed human rights norms, Ireland will continue to be a consistent, active and committed advocate for human rights at the UN, within the EU and beyond, as well as a steadfast friend to all those who defend human rights around the world. At the same time, advancing UN reforms remains critical. These aims should improve the UN’s effectiveness but avoid hollowing out its capacity or coming at the cost of the UN’s core values. A more effective UN that is equipped to meet today’s challenges is key to reinforcing respect for international law and human rights. Ireland is clear in its support for such efforts.

Our EU Presidency will be a major undertaking for Ireland and is a key focus for the work of our Government. We know the importance of ensuring that stakeholder groups here in Ireland have their voices heard and we have undertaken significant efforts to hear from them. We are also consulting with other EU member states and stepping up our engagement with the EU institutions. We have a proud record of success from our previous Presidency terms and we are confident that with the support of our partners, we will again be able to make a significant and positive contribution to the EU.

I thank Senators for their contributions. Senator Joe Conway talked about how he is in his eighth decade - I hope I look as good as him in my eighth decade - and he has seen so much in his life and is saddened by what is happening. It is absolutely hard to believe. I spoke on the radio today and I said this is the biggest challenge since the Second World War. You can just look at what is happening with the United States and Iran, what is happening in Palestine, what is happening in Syria, what is happening in Sudan and what is happening in Ukraine and Russia. This is a world that is so close and it is very worrying. Senator Ryan talked about the consequences for people living in war zones and she called for dialogue and diplomacy. It is nice to see the farewell the troops got from Limerick. We are very proud of them and the pride they have in being peacekeepers. We hope they are safe and successful. As the Senator said, they will hopefully be able to de-escalate the violence. I want to pay tribute to our peacekeepers who are very proud and have a record of involvement and impartiality around the world. I hope that continues.

Senator Andrews talked about the Third World wars and human rights. He feels the Irish Government could do more on Palestine and it needs to do more. He talked about the Ireland and Israel match. I will have to get some information back from the Government. The Palestinian ambassador has repeatedly expressed gratitude to the Irish Government and the people of Ireland for the solidarity and support it has continuously shown to the people of Palestine. That is from the Palestinian ambassador. We are doing a lot but I hear what the Senator is saying. There is a lot going on there.

Senator Stephenson mentioned the use of Irish airspace. I will bring that back. On our outsize influence on peace, we have an outsize influence. She talked about the occupied territories Bill and I will bring that back to the Department. Senator Harmon talked about the eyes of a child. That was very succinct because children do not feel safe. I see it myself when my son and daughter talk about Donald Trump, they know all about Ukraine and they know all about Iran now. I say to them it will be okay. They ask "Will it be okay, Dad?" and I say yes, it will be okay but we are all in uncertain times. What we need is cool heads and people to work together.

Senator Alice-Mary Higgins talked about learning from the Second World War and a lot of positive things happened after the Second World War. We are in that space now. She talked about Seán Lemass, a man who I have huge time for. He was one of the great Irish taoisigh. He was not from my party but I went to the launch of the book on Seán Lemass and he is one of my heroes, along with Garret FitzGerald and many more as well. She also talked about supporting the UN principles with a strong voice in the UN and that is exactly where we are. The Middle East demands the world's attention and we must not lose sight of it. I thank everybody for their contributions here today and I will bring their views back to the Department.